My Discovery of Ancient Indian Living

A review of Water Management and Hydraulic Engineering in India (c. 600 BCE – CE 1200), S. P. Shukla (Series Editor: O. C. Handa), Pentagon Press in association with Infinity Foundation

Ever since I can remember, I love to understand where from have we come, how were the days in the times of my grandfather’s grandfather, and his grandfather, how were the times of my ancient ancestors. These questions constitute a part of my existence. I was always disappointed by my school history textbooks , which were full of names of dynasties and kings without conveying much of an idea about the life and values of people of those times.

Yes, a mandatory sub-section on people’s life and culture used to follow after those chronologies of kings, probably to reflect Eminent Historian’s concern.  But that section was quite dull, insipid, repetitive and uninspiring. For the so-called Hindu Period (c. 600 BCE – CE 1200), the entire discussion was how the caste system was becoming more rigid, how this was inhumane to people and so on. It would perhaps be no exaggeration if I say, living in ancient India was portrayed to be synonymous with caste system and inhumanity.

What about the scientific achievements of ancient India? They were marked by their conspicuous absence than being a part of the curriculum. That the West taught us rationality and science in the 19th century is the impression which was received from those textbooks.

Marxian Narrative

I grew up in Marxist-Doctrine-is-Omnipotent-because-it-is-true West Bengal of the late 1980s and early 1990s. It wasn’t surprising when I discovered that my history lessons are completely in sync with Marxian Theory. “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.” (Manifesto of the Communist Party, Chapter 1) Obviously an Indian history of eternal oppression and gradually more divisive society (The pinnacle of which could be the futuristic society envisaged by H. G. Wells in The Time Machine) is consistent with this theory.

Marxian theory says that changes in society must be induced by changes in the production process. And all social changes, ultimately, lead to the creation of a Communist society. Indeed, India was much behind the West in terms of having the idea of the Communist State being cherished. This social backwardness of India, theory-wise, is the result of no change in the production process. Therefore, a primitive India without any scientific knowledge and technological advancement is consistent with theory.

History of Science and Technology in India

Absence of documentation of Indian science and technology by mainstream historians or its gross neglect at premier Indian institutions—a fact that has been acknowledged even by Amartya Sen —is striking if we consider the importance of this subject. For comparison, I cite the example of the Chinese civilization. Joseph Needham undertook the Science and Civilisation in China project to document Chinese history of science and technology under which 27 volumes—as of now, and growing—have been produced, which, collectively, are regarded as one of the top 100 non-fiction books ever published.  Indian civilization being no younger than China, our Traditional Knowledge Systems (TKS) surely deserve similar treatment and respect?

Neither is there any dearth of material for writing the history of science and technology in India. As for example, the Gandhian historian Dharampal studied documents from British Museum, the India Office Library, the Royal Society of London, and the National Library of Scotland. He demonstrated 18th century Europe’s acknowledgement of Indian superiority not only in mathematics and astronomy but most significantly in technologies such as iron works, inoculation practices, and agricultural machinery that were embedded in TKS.

Then, why is the study of history of science and technology so grossly neglected in India by mainstream historians? Is it the case that being too anchored to the Marxian narrative blinded our historians to see the importance of empirical significance of such a study?

HIST Project: Scope of this book

To fill this vacuum, Rajiv Malhotra’s Infinity Foundation took on the task of documenting the scientific and technological thinking embedded in TKS of India. Seven volumes of the encyclopaedia on History of Indian Science and Technology (HIST Series) have already been published, the book under review being one of them. Several more volumes are in press.

This volume presents archaeological evidence excavated far and wide in the Indian sub-continent, from Taxila in Pakistan to Tamluk in West Bengal, from Ropar in Punjab to Arikamedu in Puduchchery. Moreover, these findings have, adequately and ably, been supplemented by epigraphs and ancient literature. Through his contextual presentation of facts, Dr S. P. Shukla, a retired professor from Kurukshetra University, helps readers imagine the life and times of our ancestors. Though this book is enriched with scientific rigour, at the same time, it is quite engrossing for the general reader, whom this reviewer identifies himself with.

Water Management and Urban Living

Water is life. It is not at all unimaginable why studying water management systems enables us with an understanding of people’s living. For example, the drainage and water distribution system of Harappa Civilisation (third to second millennium BCE) was quite well-advanced and would rival that in any current Indian urban agglomeration. Existence of private flush toilets, private wells in houses and a covered multi-leveled drainage system in towns as excavated in Harappan sites, tell us of a vibrant urban middle class in ancient India. That was four to five thousand years ago!

What about the urban agglomerations of later periods? The story is not much different.  Drains with manholes have been excavated in Nagarjunikonda (ancient Vijayapuri located in present day Andhra Pradesh) and Kaushambi (located near Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh) among other places. Piped drains, a tradition of the Harappan civilisation, were found in places like Mathura and Atranjikhera (both in Uttar Pradesh), Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh) and Balakot (Pakistan).

Often the drains were made of burnt bricks in addition to being wooden or stone-made, which makes a case for a high standard of public health and hygiene. Houses had their own wells, often bathrooms with brick drains and latrines in the shape of ring wells equipped with timber squatting seats and water pots.  All these were no less than two thousand years ago.

Cities also had public baths and bathing ghats. A few public baths in Nagarjunikonda, interestingly, were made in the Roman style. Could it be indicative of Indo-Roman cultural connections in those times? Moreover, moats (multi-layered) were common too, which were also linked to the drainage system. Such moats from the first century BCE were unearthed in Sanghol (Punjab). It is no coincidence that the moat structure of Sanghol corresponds to the description mentioned in the Mahaummagga Jataka and the Arthashastra, texts from the first millennium BCE.

Measurement and Transmittable Knowledge

Before continuing further, I want to demolish a few common misconceptions about the ancient Indian knowledge system. The modern Indian elite nurtures a notion that ancient Indian knowledge was un-transmittable, unquantifiable, subjective understanding. This is probably a “pizza effect” of Western perception of India as the land of snake charmers. We have already noted the correspondence between actual construction of moats and the literary idea of constructing such a moat, which, obviously, contradicts this misconception about the Indian knowledge system.

The first qualitative hydrological measurement of rainfall is noted in the Arthashastra (4th century BCE). The Brihatsamhita (CE 5th to 6th century) describes a round gauge that contained marks indicative of units of rainfall measurement. Not only does this ancient book discuss various units of quantitative measurement of rainfall, but it also quantifies the variations in rainfall in different periods of the year, which is strikingly close to present estimates.

Appendices 1 and 2 describe two examples of applied scientific transmittable knowledge. The first one is Dakargal, a method of locating underground water mentioned in the Brihatsamhita. The second is on manufacturing of mechanical water devices for producing artificial waterfalls etc. There are plenty of such examples in this book, which invoke in the reader’s mind the notion of a rational and scientific Ancient India.

An Eminent Historian’s Dubious Conclusions

Babur, the founder of Mughal Empire, objectively described a waterwheel—traditionally called Ghatiyantra or Arghat—which he noticed in Punjab. I quote the following passage from his memoirs :

In Lahore, Dipalpur and those parts, people lift water by means of a wheel. They make two circles of ropes long enough to suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between them and on these fasten pitchers. The ropes with the wood and the attached pitchers are put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-axle, a second wheel is fixed and close to it another on upright-axle. This last wheel the bullock turns; its teeth catch in the teeth of the second and thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set where the water empties from the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed everywhere.

The above description by Babur and lack of any attendant mention of his having seen the same or a similar device beforehand, may very well be indicative of the indigenous nature of this device. In this connection, let me assure the reader that I have produced the entire relevant part from Babur’s memoirs.

However, eminent historian Irfan Habib considers this passage as the proof of his hypothesis that this device (Persian wheel) came to India from outside. He considers Babur’s account as the first ever mention of this device in India, and therefore, this device must be an import. This is interesting because Babur, by then, had already travelled through the countries where Persian wheel should have been prevalent, and his description, arguably, shows no sign of his any previous experience of having seen this device elsewhere.

Moreover, plenty of references to arghat is found in ancient Indian texts such as the Rig Veda (IV. 17.16l VIII. 49.6l X. 24.4), the Gathasaptasati (V.90), the Mrichchhaktik, the Kadambari, the Upamitibav-prapancha-katha etc. Arghat is depicted on a tiny relief at Jogeshvar temple, Sadri, Rajasthan and  at Mandor, Rajasthan. I wonder why the eminent historian has been blind to all these pieces of evidence, and whether his narrative was obstructive to his being attentive to empirics.

Dams and Barrages

Evidence on dams and barrages built in India goes back to as early as the second millennium BCE. The technological achievement of these dams were no less impressive. For example, the dam joining Sanchi and Nagauri Hills had a reservoir area of 1.7 square kilometres. The existence of sluice gates, here and elsewhere, has also been confirmed by archaeologists. Existence of multiple dams and reservoirs in a region, as was the case, bears testimony to having an integrated irrigation system—both planned and implemented—at that time.

An interesting case is that of Sudarshan Dam (located in Junagarh, Gujarat; mentioned in three epigraphs) which was built during the reign of Chandragupta Maurya (4th-3rd century BCE) by his provincial governor. In later times, flooding caused heavy damage to this dam. In spite of objections to the huge cost of its repair, King Rudradaman’s governor (2nd century CE) undertook the project of its repair and augmentation in size. Evidence suggests that during the reign of Skandagupta (5th century CE), the dam had been breached by inundation, and was, subsequently, repaired again.

This story of Sudarshan Dam is insightful. It helps us understand the quality of governance in ancient India. Kings, through a millennium, were committed to maintenance of the dam—no small achievement for public welfare. One may very well contrast this attitude of these rulers to that of democratically elected governments in the present age, which often shelve welfare projects undertaken by a previous government. It is possibly no coincidence that governance and public welfare in ancient Indian literature is often synonymous with the king—for example, in the Valmiki Ramayana (Book II, Canto LXVIII), distinguished citizens discuss selecting a king in then kingless Ayodhya, for the sake of continuance of good governance.

The barrage near the Pitalkhora caves in Maharashtra was found at a site with seven vihars (Buddhist monastery-cum-institution of higher learning). Possibilities are high that this settlement was a transitory halting place for caravans, which was why a barrage was constructed upstream. This site (2nd century BCE) presents a landmark for ancient Indian hydraulic engineering. The site plan included a check barrage, a barrage, a small bridge, groyne and catch pits extending over the actual flow of a seasonal river..

Canals and Irrigation

With dams and barrages come the canals and channels for irrigation. Not only are the presence of channels and ridges for irrigation verified during the time of the Buddha, but also the existence of government executives in charge of creation and maintenance of irrigation canals noted (Arthashastra). Technical details on canal construction and categorisation of canals are available in the Kashyapeey-krishi-sukti, which include the ratio of depth and width of the canal depending on the rate of flow of water, the terrain faults and their avoidance, extent of slope etc. Canals excavated bear testimony to expert civil engineering knowledge. Brick-lined canals, circumstantial evidence of water-lifting devices along with the canal, use of standardised bricks are all observed in those canals. What is also important is the continuity of such practices across India from the first millennium BCE to early second millennium CE.

Water Reservoirs

The book devotes a chapter on wells and stepwells, and another on water reservoirs. Both contain extensive surveys, different techniques of building these water reservoirs to ensure water for the general populace, particularly in the dry regions of North-West India. This type of long-term thinking is in direct contrast to the attitude prevalent in present democratic India, which refuses even to acknowledge the problem, far less take inspiration from age-old practices. The wanton present exploitation of underground water—which, to an extent, is abetted by poor governmental policies—is creating a dessert even in water-rich North India. Is it because of our collective ignorance of own glorious history as a free nation?

Scope for Improvement

This volume is a pioneering initiative. It is often said that pioneering initiatives lack a clean presentation. This book’s presentation is overall good with some scope for improvement in editing. I found some of the citations absent in the bibliography. Some ideas of TKS have not been analysed to a definite conclusion. These are possibly limitations of a fledgling discipline stifled with lack of sustainable and persistent financial support.

Last Word: Scientific History?

We can hardly expect a scientific history from someone who claims that he already knows well what happened 3,000 years ago. Interestingly, an eminent historian actually made a similar claim to me (on Twitter). This surety can be part of dogma, but is never indicative of a scientific temperament. Science is not any dogma, but a process of questioning and understanding. Pursuit of science ultimately boils down to being ever prepared to sacrifice any prevailing notion of “knowledge” for the scientist. Albert Einstein expressed this spirit as “Imagination is more important than knowledge”. This is probably easier to say than to pursue, particularly in the sphere of social sciences.

I am glad that Romila Thapar encourages the academics to question more and more. This urge for questioning is pivotal to changing the theory to match the empirics, which is sorely needed for a scientific history. Instead of remaining an Orwellian world where science is tantamount to faith in a dogma—for example, D. D. Kosambi and Ram Sharan Sharma, Marxist historians, are hailed as pioneers in scientific Indian history, we need true scientific and objective analysis of elements of Indian history. History of Indian science and technology is quite pertinent to develop that understanding. Alongside, we require talented dedicated historians too, who are capable of bringing about that change. Volumes like this may possibly be more important than any amount of theory towards that change.

The reviewer thanks Rajiv Malhotra, President, Infinity Foundation and O. C. Handa, Editor, HIST Series, for their kind permission to publish figures from the book with this review.

Disclaimer: The reviewer has no degree in History.

References:

Beveridge, A. S. 1921. Babur-Nama (Memoirs of Babur). London: Hertford Stephen & Sons Limited. Available at https://archive.org/details/baburnama017152mbp.

Dharampal. 1971. Indian Science and Technology in the Eighteenth Century. First published by Impex India. Available at http://www.arvindguptatoys.com/arvindgupta/sciencedharam.pdf

Gopal, L. 1980. Aspects of History of Agriculture in India. Varanasi: Bharati Prakashan. As quoted in page 82 (Chapter 6) of the book reviewed.

Iyenger, R. N. 2004. Description of Rainfall Variability in Brihat-Samhita of Varahamihira. Current Science 87. As quoted in page 17–18 (Chapter 2) of the book reviewed.

Sen, A. 1996. On Interpreting India’s Past. In Bose S, Jalal A Nationalism, Democracy and Development New Delhi: Oxford University Press.