What's Up With Kashmiri Separatists Praising India's Democracy? — How And Why This 'Change' Is Happening

After a gap of 10 years, Jammu and Kashmir is finally going to the polls. The political landscape in Kashmir Valley for the last three decades was dominated by the Abdullahs and the Muftis.

This time, it is witnessing something different, but potentially dangerous.

'Independent' candidates backed by Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir are emerging as significant players in these elections. These candidates represent a strategic recalibration within the region’s separatist outfits that historically opposed participation in India’s democratic process.

This shift from militancy to participating in elections signals a change in tactics for groups and individuals once aligned with Hizbul Mujahideen, as they now employ the language of Indian elections to further their cause.

Why The Shift?

The Jamaat-e-Islami Hind is an Islamist organisation operating across India with a focus on 'religious and social reform'. In Jammu and Kashmir, however, it has a complicated history. Historically, its offshoot, Jamaat-e-Islami Jammu and Kashmir (JIJK), was deeply intertwined with separatist politics and militant activities, notably serving as the ideological backbone of the Hizbul Mujahideen.

Jamaat-e-Islami, with over 5,000 members and a strong presence in the Indian subcontinent, was banned in Bangladesh in early August 2024 following protests that left over 200 dead (the ban has now been lifted). The JeI remains a potent political force in Pakistan, and the Kashmir branch is more aligned with its Pakistani counterpart.

After the Pulwama terror attack in February 2019, which killed 40 CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force) personnel, the Indian government banned JIJK. Initially imposed in 2019, the ban was extended in February 2024 for another five years. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) accused JIJK of promoting terrorism, secessionism and attempting to establish an Islamic state in Jammu and Kashmir, threatening India's sovereignty and security.

Hizbul Mujahideen, designated a terrorist outfit by India, is a pro-Pakistan group that has long sought the integration of Kashmir with Pakistan. During the peak of militancy in the 1990s, many Jamaat members were directly involved with or supported this radical Islamist project.

In this context, the support from JIJK for independent candidates in the current Jammu and Kashmir elections appears to be an attempt to achieve through political participation what Islamist terror failed to secure.

The Separatist Shift To Political Participation

For decades, separatist leaders in Jammu and Kashmir rejected the legitimacy of Indian elections, seeing them as 'tools of oppression'. Many advocated for an independent Kashmir or its merger with Pakistan.

This was evident in the activities of leaders like Syed Salahuddin, the head of the Hizbul Mujahideen, who once openly declared war against India. The broader network of separatist leaders, operating under the Hurriyat Conference, was largely aligned with this ideology, refusing to engage in the democratic process.

However, the winds have changed in the last few years. With the Indian government's revocation of article 370 and 35A in August 2019, which stripped Jammu and Kashmir of its special status, separatists and their supporters have found themselves with limited avenues to further their 'cause'.

The JIJK has encouraged its members to run as independent candidates in the recent elections, marking a departure from its previous strategy of election boycotts, which it adopted after electoral rigging in 1987 allegedly led to widespread disillusionment with the political process. 

Candidates like Sayar Ahmad Reshi have emerged on the scene today, campaigning on platforms that publicly seek social reform and justice while asserting that their actions do not reflect directives from JIJK leadership. Analysts suggest that many former separatists are now engaging with mainstream politics as a survival strategy, recognising that the political landscape has shifted dramatically since 2019. This shift is characterised by a growing fatigue among the populace regarding endless conflict and a desire for stability.

The Jamaat-supported or Jamaat-aligned independent candidates avoid overtly separatist rhetoric, focusing instead on local governance issues, while quietly maintaining their long-term political aspirations. This is not necessarily an abandonment of separatist ideals but a utilitarian shift aimed at survival and influence.

Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, former General Officer Commanding, 15 Corps (Srinagar), says: "For the Jamaat which is under ban, this is the opportunity to regain some unofficial legitimacy, lest it disappears into oblivion. If finding traction with a set of Independents, it will elongate its capability to resist by claiming some support of the people."

Speaking New Delhi's Language?

Many former separatists have begun to articulate their goals in a language that align more closely with New Delhi's democratic framework. For instance, veteran separatist leader Salim Geelani's decision to join the People's Democratic Party (PDP) reflects a broader trend.

Many of these 'Independent' candidates have familial or ideological ties to former militants. Some are the sons or close relatives of those who were once active in the Hizbul Mujahideen, while others have themselves been involved in militant activities.

Aditya Raj Kaul, a senior journalist who has been reporting from the Kashmir Valley for more than two decades, says that the events leading up to 19 August 2019 and post that have introduced a new realisation among the Kashmiri influential class. This includes the JeI, Hurriyat Conference, JKLF and others. The set of financial crackdowns and raids resulted in fewer shutdowns, no stone pelting and a massive reduction in terrorist attacks in the valley.

He believes that the Indian democracy has secured a big win, especially with a decent turnout in the 2024 Lok Sabha and now the assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir.

"Even separatists, JeI are now relying on the Indian Constitution to pursue whatever agendas they have. This is a new reality that is emerging, perhaps for the first time in decades. This is a positive sign. No matter who wins, Indian democracy has prevailed beautifully," he adds.

Sunanda Vashisht, a columnist who traces her roots to Kashmir, however says that the separatists haven't had a change of heart, unlike what some believe.

"..nor are they suddenly reposing faith in the Indian Constitution. With the Indian State coming down hard on them and banning many organisations like the Jamaat and JKLF, separatists have realised that participating in elections will give them political legitimacy which they intend to use for their personal gains," she tells Swarajya.

"They want to lobby for lifting bans on their organisations and getting their cadre released from jails. Using democracy to subvert democracy is an established jihadi principle. No one should delude themselves into thinking that separatists have changed their minds or have had a change of heart. Their goals are established, the path to that goal just got a little more convoluted," she adds.

Electoral Chances

Among the Independents contesting this time, Emaad Makhdoomi, a journalist based in Srinagar feels that Irfan Ahmad Shah has a decent chance at winning. Shah, a former National Conference (NC) leader, is engaged in a triangular contest in the Central Shalteng assembly seat — part of the Srinagar Lok Sabha constituency.

He is facing off against J&K Congress chief Tariq Hameed Karra, who was a former PDP candidate from the same seat which he won in 2002. He has been backed by NC this time, but it all comes down to how many votes he can move.

On the other hand, there are about 10 candidates who are said to enjoy the backing of the Jamaat, but may at best cut votes from the mainstream parties like the NC and PDP. Only a handful may stand a chance at winning. This includes Talat Majeed from Pulwama who is taking on PDP's youth leader Waheed-ur-Rehman Para and NC's Khalil Ahmad Bandh.

Ajaz Ahmad Mir, contesting from Zainapora in Shopian, had earlier won the seat in 2014 on a PDP ticket. After he was denied a ticket by the PDP, the Jamaat announced support for him and he is contesting as an Independent candidate. His father, Mohammad Jabbar Mir, won the same seat from an NC ticket in 1996.

Sayar Ahmad Reshi, a former member of the Jamaat, is contesting from Kulgam. He is taking on the communist leader Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami. It is alleged that he is a consensus candidate of the NC-Congress alliance.

Survival And Strategy

This strategic shift reflects a broader trend seen in conflict zones around the world. When armed struggle proves unsustainable, insurgents often pivot toward political engagement. By participating in elections, separatist and militant leaders can gain legitimacy, resources, and a platform to advance their views within a legal framework.

Arshia Malik, a Kashmiri columnist and researcher, believes that the abrogation of articles 370 and 35A was an unpleasant shock for the Jamaat cadres and separatist groups who always have banked on India's democratic institutions, secular law and liberal values of tolerance to keep pushing their merger with Pakistan agenda (azaadi).

"The soft separatist politicians also took recourse in the Indian judiciary to appeal against the abrogation and had to accept the Supreme Court ruling that it was done constitutionally," she tells Swarajya.

"So now the geopolitical strategy has changed, with coaching from Pakistani-ISI and Muslim Brotherhood cadres settled in Turkey and other Western cities. To use India's democracy to gain a foothold and then fight for the Islamic supremacist identity of the Kashmir Valley through the radicalised people who will vote for them. This also includes demonising the Hindus of all hues and any party associated with them," she adds.

As far as the electoral outcome is concerned, many people Swarajya spoke to, believe that there are three possibilities:

— One, the NC-Congress alliance taking shape has more chances than the rest.

— Two, if the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) manages to secure a good number of seats and some members from smaller parties win, they may secure support from them and form the government.

—Three, either a PDP-BJP or an NC-BJP alliance, because those have happened in the past. While the Jamaat did back PDP for a solid two decades, they are said to have fallen out with them and are instead backing the Independents who are aligned with their ideology.

To what extent will this work? We wait for 8 October.