Congress Bungling Up In Karnataka — Where Is The Opposition?

The BJP, in its yesteryears, was a relatively dormant force in the south. At the peak of the Hindutva movement in the Hindi heartland, the rath yatra carried out from Dwarka to Ayodhya built the base for the saffron party in the northern parts of the country.

While it did have a cultural reckoning in the south, it barely translated into votes. The communists remained a principal political force in Kerala while the Dravidian parties continued to define the space in neighbouring Tamil Nadu. Karnataka remained a political field primarily occupied by the Congress and the various iterations of the Janata Dal.

Around the same time, the Indian markets, which remained largely closed and shied away from opening up to the world saw increased activity in investments and growth, thanks to the LPG reforms.

BJP, albeit slowly, began to rise in Karnataka — certain events that would invoke nationalism in the people who felt isolated due to the politics of the Congress party suddenly began to find a space where they could trust their leaders to stand behind the Indian national flag.

BJP stalwarts like BS Yediyurappa, former union minister the late Ananth Kumar and others within the party found their space in politics due to the Hubli Idgah Maidan incident.

Where 'Art' Thou?

The politics in Karnataka has always had a creative edge to it. From the (in)famous style of protesting that veteran activists like Vatal Nagaraj have taken to the street art used by Baadal Nanjundaswamy to raise awareness of the civic issues in Bengaluru, the 'nataka' in Karnataka remains true to its name.

Why is it important? It resonates with the larger public. Citizens are empowered in their spirits when the opposition parties adopt unique methods to communicate a point to the people in power and the press.

Whether it is burning 'khaki chaddis' (shorts) over the alleged 'saffronisation' of textbooks under the then BJP government or the 'PayCM' campaign launched by the Congress counterparts during Basavaraj Bommai's tenure, for better or worse, they shaped the public sentiments about corruption and the state of affairs in Bengaluru and Karnataka.

In response to burning the shorts, the BJP had couriered used undergarments to Congress leader (now chief minister) Siddaramaiah's house.

This crudeness in demonstrative politics of Karnataka goes a long way back. Nagaraj was perhaps one, among others, who pioneered the art of using theatrics in protests. His methods were unconventional, laughable even, but he somewhat hit the sweet spot when it came to gauging the public sentiment.

From women sending the Sri Rama Sene pink lingerie as a mark of protest against moral policing in 2009 to the residents of Bengaluru planting paddy in the pothole-ridden roads of the city in 2021, citizens look for outlets where they can express their frustrations against any party in power.

Swalpa 'Adjust' Madi

The BJP's image in Karnataka is not something the party would be happy with. Many on social media and otherwise strongly believe that "these people are all hand-in-glove" when it comes to corruption. This accusation of BJP's 'cooperative nature' has earned them a reputation that they are equally, if not, more corrupt than the Congress party in the state.

Murmurs abound that the current leadership is directionless, clueless and morally flexible when it comes to Hindutva issues. The Siddaramaiah-led Congress government has also accused the BJP of many scams during their erstwhile administration under BSY and Bommai.

The BJP accuses the Congress of promoting nepotism in state politics. During the previous Lok Sabha polls, nearly 18 of the 28 Congress candidates belonged to a political family. While the BJP wants to flag this issue, it also faces accusations from the Congress of being co-sponsors of nepotism as BSY's son BY Vijayendra took charge of the party affairs in the state.

Even in the upcoming by-polls in three constituencies, there's discontent surrounding nepotism, as former chief minister Basavaraj Bommai's son secured the ticket to contest from Shiggaon AC — a seat that his father represented before he entered the parliament. In Channapatna, Union Minister H D Kumaraswamy's son Nikhil will likely be fielded as the JD(S)-BJP candidate. These frustrations are not being taken into account by all the major parties in the state.

Opposition space in the country, especially in the south and the northeast, is being filled either by the Congress pushing for linguistic politics or the regional satraps led by political families like the DMK.

No matter how hard they try, the Congress under Rahul Gandhi has not been able to occupy any space of the BJP.

Even so, subnational, linguistic politics seems to be regaining space, especially as the Congress won Karnataka in the south. After the tax devolution debate, a strong anti-Hindi and north-south rhetoric is being backed directly and indirectly by the Congress and its leaders like Siddaramaiah. Language seems to be the only competitive tool in identity politics in the south left for the Congress.

The 'Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan' narrative the regional players and the Congress have accused the BJP of promoting has found some takers. In Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the BJP remains largely marginalised to date. Apart from that, the political structures in the south are largely independent and organised, even if they belong to a national party. Neither does BSY owe complete patronage to the centre nor does Siddaramaiah to the Gandhis.

People are also beginning to believe that they have more bargaining power, as compared to national party leaders who are seen as subservient. Also, the fact that language is projected as a pluralistic force as compared to religion aids the political parties in the south to push back the narrative against the BJP.

Such subcultures in politics will differ from region to region, and this is precisely what the BJP (in the centre) has to tackle in the south.

'Don't Oppose For The Sake Of It'

Nigel Fletcher, a former Conservative staffer and the author of How to be in Opposition: Life in the political shadows offers his perspective on what constitutes a 'credible' opposition in British politics:

a) That the party not in power must "have a strategy and stick to it" and not waste time chasing headlines and media limelight as opposed to having a thought-out plan;

b) Instil a sense of purpose and develop a discipline among the leadership and the cadre so it's seen as "an effective alternative government" and lastly;

c) Don't oppose "for opposition's sake".

In Karnataka, the opposition parties, particularly the BJP and JD(S), need to adopt a well-defined strategy rather than merely reacting to the ruling Congress government’s policies.

For instance, while the BJP has consistently raised the corruption charges against the current Chief Minister, and attacked him for alleged misgovernance, there has not been a simultaneous demonstration of the BJP's vision for the state. There is nothing for the average Karnataka voter to regard the BJP as the natural party of governance in the state.

This would involve articulating clear policies that resonate with the electorate's needs, especially in light of Karnataka's ongoing economic and infrastructural initiatives aimed at boosting growth.

For example, while the opposition has raised issues concerning government decisions like land allotments or policy implementations, these criticisms need to be backed by viable alternatives that demonstrate how they would govern differently.

In the meantime, the young, somewhat fragmented Karnataka unit needs to get its act together to send out a clear and cogent message to the voter.

The Karnataka government, through its acts of omission and commission, is creating the field for a robust and thriving opposition. As such, a consummate opposition party can run with the political narrative in the state. The Karnataka BJP though seems to be still fixing its cramps and injuries.