AAP Facing Different BJP in Delhi

While the perception about the Delhi unit of BJP was that it was no better than the Congress in matters of corruption, Arvind Kejriwal lost the plot in the Lok Sabha elections by doing little more than cribbing about the system, adopting the known foul means of older parties and aiming at the Prime Minister’s chair even as Narendra Modi showcased Gujarat’s success to become Prime Minister. And now Modi has played a masterstroke by bringing in Kiran Bedi, a reformist who does not suffer from the bad image previous Delhi leaders did. 2015 is not 2013, the AAP must note.

At the outset let me admit that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that controls the three MCDs (Municipal Corporations of Delhi) does not deserve to come to power in this half-state. But the BJP represented by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Kiran Bedi deserves to be given a chance for the simple reason that this combo promises change and deliverance.

First, let us analyse the BJP that represents the MCDs. The MCDs have been a den of corruption and place for petty politicking and infighting for years. Your water system, construction of extension of a house, construction of illegal structures in unauthorised colonies, sanitation — all are controlled by the MCDs. It is at this level that the ordinary citizen interacts with the administration. If they bribe to get their work done, they would never vote for the same party or candidate if there was an alternative.

These weaknesses of the BJP were exploited by the Aam Aadmi Party to the hilt in 2013 Assembly elections, almost beating the much bigger party. An upstart winning 28 of the 70 assembly seats in 2013 was a big slap on the face of both the BJP and the Congress — traditional political rivals in Delhi. While launching the party, its chief Arvind Kejriwal was unsure about its fate since he knew quite well that winning even a corporation seat was an uphill task in a state that had witnessed bipolar politics and had not given place to a third player. On a number of occasions during the Jan Lokpal movement run by a ragtag group called India against Corruption, he had told this writer that forming a party could prove suicidal.

But Delhi was fed up with corruption in the Congress and BJP and was looking for an alternative. The middle class as well as the downtrodden voted for the AAP in large numbers and surprised everyone by giving the newbie a dream run. Kejriwal’s straight talk and his approach to resolve issues through direct intervention found a resonance with those who felt the system had been hijacked by the ruling elite. Asking the people not to pay inflated power bills was akin to being a law unto oneself, but it helped mobilise those who felt cheated by the powerful, corrupt clique that apparently ran the establishment. Even those who voted for him did not know that he would win. In that sense, this was a victory of the underdog.

The emergence of AAP as a significant political force of hope coincided with the projection of Narendra Modi as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. While Kejriwal was complaining about everything that was wrong in the system, Modi was giving examples of how he had changed the face of Gujarat by stressing development and growth while working under this very system [indeed, Kejriwal did nothing to change the system when given a chance]. As Modi spoke of a new India, the youth veered towards him. During the Delhi Assembly elections, Kejriwal had tactically decided not to attack Modi since most of his supporters were supporters of Modi as well. His supporters had coined the slogan “Kejriwal for CM, Modi for PM”. That gamble worked.

Kejriwal’s gameplan went awry when he decided to quit Delhi and take the AAP to the bigger orbit by contesting Lok Sabha elections. Had he continued as the chief minister and then asked others to contest Lok Sabha elections, he would have given a tough time to Modi as PM and the BJP. People would have evaluated one against the other, and he would have climbed several notches of credibility higher in the public eye. But he did not see the writing on the wall; he was ill-advised that he could be catapulted to a position from where he could become a consensus prime ministerial candidate for non-Congress, non-BJP parties. With victories in even 50 seats, he could have a chance to become prime minister. The AAP’s target was 100 seats.

But a miracle does not happen a second time. The AAP lost Delhi badly in the Lok Sabha elections and most of its candidates were decimated. His attempt to make it Modi-versus-Kejriwal in Varanasi proved futile although it provided TRPS to news television. Kejriwal had failed to understand that the entire country was not Delhi. If the BJP was seen as equally corrupt as the Congress in Delhi, it was seen as a saviour in many states such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Also, the state governments run by the BJP had a much better image than many parties in terms of governance and checking corruption. Kejriwal’s fight was like that of Icarus flying too high with the waxen wings.

It was but natural that after the fall, Kejriwal would focus once again on Delhi and try to rediscover the magic. He has deftly created the same impression: ‘Kejriwal for Delhi CM, Modi is already PM of the country’. He came up with the slogan “Kejriwal versus Who?” and imposed the image of BJP veteran Jagdish Mukhi in place of ‘who’. Things went fine for him and the BJP started losing ground, inch by inch. ‘Modi versus Kejriwal’ was no fight since the contest was for the chief minister’s post. Also, the BJP did not wish to risk its best face on an uncertain territory.

Modi, known for pulling surprises, changed the game by bringing in Kiran Bedi as the party’s chief ministerial candidate. While the BJP’s state leadership went into a sulk, the AAP went into a tizzy with no solution in sight to this Modi googly — Bedi, the first woman IPS officer who had towed away the car of powerful Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for wrong parking. She was one of the most visible faces of Anna movement along with Arvind Kejriwal, but did not support Kejriwal’s agitational politics.

While Kejriwal resigned from his job to do activism, she fought against vested interests while still being in the system. Steps taken for prison reforms in Tihar Jail as in-charge of prison showcased how change can be brought about with positive energy. She has been spearheading the campaigns against drug abuse and for women empowerment. An average aspiring girl in this country draws inspiration from her.

With Bedi at the helm of the BJP, the AAP has started losing. The middle class had already started shifting towards Modi and the BJP. The tempo-drivers, hawkers and other poorer sections of the society had stood behind Kejriwal in 2013. There are signs of tempo-drivers moving away with Bedi promising security from police harassment. Unlike Kejriwal, she does not merely curse her adversaries. She promises to find solutions in true partnership. This is what endears her more to the electorate.

The BJP has witnessed a complete image makeover due to Modi and Bedi. People suffering due to police excesses in unauthorised colonies have been bombarded with advertisements saying the police have no power to say no to construction activities in unauthorised colonies or elsewhere and a complaint can be given against such erring cops. Those BJP leaders of Delhi, who dominated Delhi politics, are no longer seen on posters. BJP posters and banners everywhere bear the image of either Modi or Bedi or both.

It looks difficult for the AAP to repeat its performance. Voters of Delhi are aware of their rights and limitations. They know that this Modi-Bedi combination can deliver good governance and a modern city, emerging from decadence. A momentum has been built against Kejriwal and his style of agitational politics.

In hindsight, the AAP losing Delhi elections would be good for the country if one does not wish it to become like any other party. The AAP was supposed to be a new experiment in Indian politics that would work on primaries and focus on issues. Under Kejriwal, it has become a one-man party, like many others, where leaders are being foisted from the top. The party failed to assimilate the political energy unleashed by the Anna movement.

Perhaps a defeat would be an eye-opener. Playing long innings demands working on building the party on democratic principles. Kejriwal has the energy and vision to give vent to aspirations for alternative politics. If you too aspire to rise due to support of vested interests, how can you be different? If you support communal politics to gain support of a particular community or caste, how can you build a different party? The self-proclaimed Gandhian must realise that the Mahatma stressed a lot on the importance of means.

Saying ‘we are shades better than the BJP’ would not work for the AAP. One hopes Kejriwal is listening; as you grow in strength, you also become strong-headed and stop heeding to saner advices. Kejriwal’s party should support Modi on good governance and not spare it on lapses. This would help rebuild the AAP and win back all supporters.

Time for Kejriwal to ask why Shanti Bhushan, who called him “India’s Obama” and donated Rs 1,00,00,000 on the inaugural day of party formation — and another cheque of the same amount days later — has turned into his critic. Everyone cannot be wrong, Mr Kejriwal. Stop saying that the people who are being critical of you or the AAP are the ones who fell from favour.