Politics
Outgoing Karnataka chief minister, Basavaraj Bommai paying obeisance to Basaveshwara
The recent Congress victory in the Karnataka elections has led to discussions about the outgoing regime being soft on protecting the cultural and religious interests of its voters, and working overtime in ‘minority appeasement.’
While the reasons the outgoing regime was voted out are varied, it would be ill-informed and unfair to pin it on not being unapologetic of its stances and actions on cultural and religious interests.
Here is a glimpse of the times the outgoing Karnataka BJP government had been steadfast in its commitment to its ideological support base on key issues:
This much-debated conflict arose around December 2021 in Udupi when some students belonging to the minority community decided to demand the right to sport the hijab inside classrooms.
Soon, it snowballed into a matter of public order, whereby classes were disrupted by those in ‘solidarity’ with the hijab-donning students.
The Karnataka government, by an order dated 5 February 2022, banned wearing clothes that 'disturb equality, integrity, and public order in schools and colleges'.
Despite opposition and it culminating into a national issue, the government stood steadfast to its ban, only for the ban to be stayed later by a court order.
The Karnataka BJP chief had even given a statement that the government would not allow the ‘Talibanisation’ of the education system in the state.
Abolition of religion-based quota
In one of the most smartly planned reconfigurations of the reservation matrix in Karnataka, the BJP government had done away with 4 per cent reservation given to Muslims in Karnataka under 2B of Other Backward Classes (OBC) category, and distributed it to the Veerashaiva-Lingayats and Vokkaligas — at 2 per cent each in jobs and admissions in educational institutions.
This abolition of religious quota for the minority was a move that flies in the face of allegations of 'minority appeasement’ against the outgoing regime.
With the Congress back in power in the state, the quota for the minorities looks set to be restored.
Law against forced conversion
After passing an ordinance, in September 2022, the Karnataka state assembly under the outgoing regime also passed the ‘Anti-Conversion’ bill that sought to curb the menace of forceful conversions by radicalized minority groups in the state.
This bill was also passed amidst a lot of hue and cry and opposition – however, not only did the government stood by its decision, but also ensured, via the medium of the bill, that the person who wishes to convert will lose the benefits attached to their previous religion, including reservations.
Renaming temple rituals at Kollur and Melkote with local alternatives
The outgoing regime had decided to rename ‘Tipu Sultan-era’ rituals of Salaam Arathi, Salaam Mangalarathi and Deevatige Salaam with local nomenclatures. Hindu groups had been demanding such changes for a long time, as naming of temple rituals in honour of Tipu Sultan, who was a known tyrant and ruthless in his crusade against Hindus, was highly unbecoming.
The anti-cow slaughter act, namely the Karnataka Prevention of Slaughter and Preservation of Cattle Act, 2021, was also implemented by the outgoing BJP regime in the state.
This was very much in tune with the stance of the BJP governments in other states and the Centre, in their commitment of crusade against cow-slaughter in a nation where the civilization accords religious, spiritual and divine significance to the cow, apart from the cattle’s irreplaceable role in life of dairy farmers in the rural lands.
Move on freeing temples from State control
Earlier last year, the BJP regime had also proposed the removal of state control from temples in the State, citing reasons that it was a British era system that sought to place the wealth of the temples in the hand of the government, which was no longer relevant nor suitable.
“There is a long pending demand to do away with government control on the temples. By considering these demands of devotees, autonomy will be given to temples coming under the purview of the endowment (Muzrai) department. Necessary legal action will be taken to delegate the discretion of developmental works to the temples,” CM Bommai had said in his budget speech.
This move, however, was not only opposed by the Congress party but by an association of temple priests themselves. Their argument was that most temples of Karnataka did not have the resources to sustain themselves without government support.
At a time when freeing temples from State control has not become a moot political issue despite the grave concerns and movements spearheaded by the Hindu society, the proposal was a bold step in the direction to actuate the idea.
Proposal to ban religious food certification
The outgoing regime’s leader, Ravi Kumar, had proposed a bill that sought to ban religious food certification such as halal certification, citing the primacy of FSSAI certification as the only relevant and acceptable standard that must be practiced.
This was proposed despite the ongoing hue and cry over the ‘Hijab ban’ row, and it was yet another indicator of why allegations of minority appeasement are directly in contrast to the proposals that the regime had been openly contemplating.
Honouring Savarkar
In a move that sparked sharp opposition, the Karnataka assembly speaker had directed the installation of a portrait of Veer Savarkar at the State assembly, which was unveiled later on.
Savarkar, whose role in Indian independence and giving birth to the Hindutva identity has often been sidelined, was now placed at a pedestal which would usually only be restricted to the pre-independence stalwarts of the Congress Party. The move honoring a Hindutva icon in a state institution was unparalleled.
Corrections in textbooks
After the Karnataka State Education Board’s textbooks were accused and found to be promoting anti-Brahmin messages and biased communist thoughts, the BJP government had brought about multiple revisions to the textbooks, correcting these anomalies. This also included changing the incorrect portrayal of Lingayat way of life as rebellious and opposed to the larger Hindu way of life.
The instances highlighted above are not only indicative of the Karnataka BJP’s pro-Hindu stance, but also a rejoinder to claims that it indulged in ‘minority appeasement’ or was lacking in ideological commitment to its voter base.
Notwithstanding the varied relevant issues which culminated in its loss, a significant one in that, the above list tells us that a political functionary must be adept at communicating their deeds for its voter base effectively.
It also requires the voter concerned with cultural issues to not believe every trend on social media and assess the performance of a government on their favourite issues objectively.