Post-Poll Journeys, Dispatch 1: What's The Mood Like In Haryana?

The straight line from Gurgaon to Amritsar forms a media divide. The news from Haryana and Punjab is dominated by places that fall to the right of the line. Gurgaon, Panipat, Sonipat, Ludhiana, Jalandhar, Chandigarh and Amritsar hog most of the limelight.

But the electoral shocks came from elsewhere — Western Haryana (Hisar, Sirsa, among others) and Western Punjab (Faridkot, Khadoor Sahib, among others). One can throw in westernmost Rajasthan (Hanumangarh and Ganganagar) to the mix as well.

The route I took is — Delhi–Jhajjar–Chakhri Dadri–Hisar–Sirsa–Ganganagar–Muktsar Sahib–Firozpur–Moga–Bhatinda–Mansa–Sangrur–Kaithal–Jind–Rohtak–Najafgarh–Delhi.

With Haryana's Assembly Elections on the horizon, I was particularly keen to know what exactly happened, if there were regrets, what were the remaining resentments, and what people think about Nayab Saini.

Before we embark, I wanted to highlight three points:

1. This travel was generously sponsored by a Swarajya reader, who was impressed with the pre-election ground reports. Hope you will consider supporting Swarajya magazine for the same.

2. The general appetite to speak about developmental issues has ebbed after the election. The pre-election verve is absent in people, especially in Punjab.

Driving past rural Delhi

The beautiful Western Peripheral Expressway, flanked by industrial parks and logistics centres, is a testament to Haryana's push for industrial development.

We cross the massive Indospace Industrial Logistics park. Fields are filled with Jowar and Bajra. The wheat growing season begins only in October. I wonder whether the government could think about Special Agri Zones for Shree Ann crops!

There are hundreds of long-horned cows and bulls on the road. I learned that there are seasonal migrants who bring their cattle all the way from the deserts of Bikaner for chaara.

Jat anger in Jhajjar

Outside Jhajjar town, I stopped at a local tea stall, where a group of farmers were engrossed in their afternoon gossip in a cloud of beedi smoke. I get nervous about their strong Haryanvi accent. But I get by. Travelers always do!

They expressed satisfaction with basic amenities and government schemes like the Krishi Samman Nidhi. The roads are in good shape. The local hospital and schools are functioning well.

I slowly veer the conversation towards politics. Their allegiances were clear — they strongly favoured the Congress, citing the local BJP leader's inaccessibility and the lingering resentment over the Minimum Support Price (MSP) issue.

The Agnipath scheme was another point of contention, viewed unfavourably for its impact on marriage prospects for youth. (More about Haryanvi youth later in the series).

The young people in the village never leave the place. They do not prefer to go to Delhi for work. But, they are also unwilling to do minor jobs locally. The migrants from UP and Bihar have filled the demand. The issue of jobs is a tricky one.

I asked them about the upcoming assembly elections. They said that their current Congress MLA, Geeta Bhukkal, will win again if given the opportunity. Jhajjar is an SC-reserved constituency.

They mentioned that Jats will definitely vote for the Congress in a coordinated manner, rather than scattering votes by supporting INLD, JJP, etc. However, they added that whether their preferred government is formed is beyond their control.

I asked them about the tricky issue of female infanticide and whether the "Beti Bachao Beti Padhao" program was a success. They got very defensive and angry. "We don't kill our babies," said one of them in a harsh tone. They denied the problem completely!

Youth of Charkhi Dadri

Moving on to Dadri, I had an enlightening conversation with Pawan, a restaurant owner. I begin by asking about municipal issues. He said there is a massive sewerage problem within the city.

I ask him about the "imported brides" issue. He said it is true and he knows at least 20 people that have married girls from Bihar.

Dadri falls under the Bhiwani-Mahendragarh constituency. It is probably the only constituency in the Jat belt, where the BJP has been successful. Dharambir Chaudhary won with a margin of around 40,000 votes. 

Pawan's insights revealed the complex interplay of caste and politics in Haryana. He spoke of high caste consciousness and criticised the BJP's strategy of consistently patronising the non-Jats.

He pointed to the appointment of Saini as chief minister as an example. In the 2019 assembly elections, the BJP won six out of the nine assembly constituencies. Pawan thinks the decks are stacked in favour of the Congress this time.

The mobilisation of non-dominant communities as a strategy has reaped rich political dividends for the BJP for over a decade. What was claimed as social justice ten years ago, has become tainted as another form of "asli jatiwad" now. Perhaps, it is time for the strategy to be reconfigured.

I ask him jovially if Jats are really an angry bunch of people. He laughs and says they are usually easygoing except on "zid wale cheez." I wondered what all falls under that category!

Passing through Hisar

The per-capita number of party and marriage halls seems to be quite high in Haryana. They seem to know how to have a good time.

Hisar City presented an impressive picture of a tier-two city on the rise, complete with a robust infrastructure. Hisar is the steel headquarters and the political nerve centre of Haryana. There are a few Jindal family-owned steel mills in and around the city.

A slew of research institutions — Central Research for Institute on Buffaloes, Farm Machinery Testing Institute, Livestock Institute — dot the outskirts. The website of the former has some interesting information, such as semen availability for breeding, milk recording competition, a "Buffalopedia," and so on.

Agroha, in Hisar district, is known as the "birthplace" of the Aggarwal community. It was the capital of Maharaja Agrasena. Massive temples adorn the Agroha Dham.