Ground Reports
Post-Poll Journeys, Dispatch 5: Bridging The Gap Between Local Aspirations In Haryana And The National Vision For Growth Is Crucial
- The resilience of the people — from determined youth in Punjab to adaptive gig workers in Haryana — suggest they are ready for change, but on their own terms.
Haryana is grappling with unique set of problems.
Kaithal 'Konfidential'
Did you know that Kaithal is the birthplace of Lord Hanuman? Neighbouring Jind and Kurukshetra are part of the 48 kos yatra, covering important locations associated with the Mahabharat.
With such historical treasures (Ramayan and Mahabharat are Itihasa), Haryana has done a rather poor job of branding itself as a tourist destination.
In Kaithal, which is a part of the Kurukshetra Lok Sabha constituency, the narrow victory margin of Naveen Jindal of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) hinted at the political flux in the region.
In Jind, part of the Sonipat constituency, BJP's slim loss further underscored the tight political contests seen in Haryana.
Conversations with local youth revealed a startling focus on personal concerns over national issues. I meet three youngsters who are sitting before a barber shop.
"Naukri aur chokri" (jobs and brides) were cited as the primary preoccupations. "Ghar basana" (settling down) was important for them, and they were willing to marry girls from anywhere.
The local girls were unwilling to marry them because of three reasons — caste, lack of property and lack of well-paying jobs.
They did not vote in the parliamentary elections. They expressed apathy about politics as their day-to-day problems remained uncared for. This subtle but significant change in mindset had happened over the last few years. The "national" had subsided and the "personal" was back to the forefront.
If this was the state of affairs in the uber-nationalistic Haryana, I think we need to think deeply about how to address the change in outlook. What should be done to kindle the nationalistic spirit yet again?
Rohtak Ramblings
Rohtak is a city of celebs — the Hoodas (the political ones and also Randeep), Manushi Chillar and Sakshi Malik make it to the top of the list.
In Rohtak, interactions with Zomato drivers provided glimpses into the gig economy's impact on local employment. Ashok and his friend were chirpy youngsters. One was in college and the other had just completed a welding course in the local ITI (Industrial Training Institute).
They found working for Zomato a lot of fun and they managed to save around Rs 30,000 a month. For these young men, the flexibility and earnings from food delivery outweighed traditional low-paying private sector jobs.
The Agnipath scheme emerged as a contentious issue, with many youngsters finding it an unattractive proposition. The trials were supposed to begin from 15 July. Apparently, there were not many takers here.
In the aspirational tier-2 cities of India, bijli-sadak-pani (electricity-road-water) issues are of the past. Rohtak too is no exception. The youngsters voted 'big time' for Deepender Hooda of the Congress.
They liked Prime Minister Narendra Modi a lot, but the "liking" was not helping them in their day-to-day lives. There was no remorse in the way they had exercised their political choice.
I realise that the appetite for discussing developmental issues of any sort has reduced post-elections. I did get a distinct sense that the Congress is poised to do well in the upcoming assembly elections also.
How Well Do You Know Delhi?
The Delhi between Dhansa, which is at the border, and Najafgarh is a very different place. Fallow fields stretched out, awaiting the monsoon's touch.
Najafgarh is a part of the West Delhi constituency. Posters of their new BJP Member of Parliament (MP), Kamaljeet Sehrawat, still dotted the walls. The place is also home to the irrepressible Virender Sehwag. In his early days, the India Today magazine had labelled him "Najafgarh ka Tendulkar".
This transition zone between Delhi and Haryana raised questions about development strategies in my mind. Should Najafgarh be integrated with Haryana? How could the Delhi government's urban-centric mindset address the needs of these semi-rural areas? Could a sub-master plan of rural Delhi from Najafgarh to Dhansa bring some order to the development?
My final pit stop was at Jharodha Kalan. Here, the complexities of governance in the national capital region came to the fore. Residents complained of poor road conditions and unfulfilled promises of development schemes.
The tea-shop owner was happy when I said that I was from Chennai. He had undergone a successful knee surgery in Chennai and was able to walk well. A win for sub-national medical diplomacy.
The roads in this area were in bad shape. The PM Awas Yojana was yet to take off. Water and electricity (200 units free) were working fine. Much to their chagrin, the Mohalla clinic nearby was shut down for undisclosed reasons.
The l'affaire Kejriwal had the crowd divided. One said that it was wrong to keep him in jail for so long. Others said that "galti hui hai" (he has made a mistake) and he would be punished by the people in the next election.
The common refrain was that the leaders sitting in Delhi really did not care about the suburbs. Apparently, the BJP candidate, Sehrawat, won because of deft social engineering, with the Jat community throwing its weight behind her. (It was the opposite in Haryana, just a few kilometres away.)
The multi-tiered governance structure of Delhi — with BJP holding power at the municipal and national levels and AAP controlling the state — seemed to create a crisis of responsibility, with each entity pointing fingers at the other.
Simplifying the governing structure that fosters accountability will be the key to realise people's aspirations for "Delhi-like amenities".
Only the Delhi Metro stands as a beacon of progress, with its reach extending deep into the suburbia. Between the haphazard development of Nangli and Najafgarh and Dwarka's well-constructed roads, the contrast cannot be more stark.
Signing Off
This journey through India's western heartland painted a picture of a region in transition. From the drug crisis in Punjab to the employment challenges in Haryana and the governance issues in Delhi's periphery, each area grapples with unique yet interconnected problems.
As India moves forward, bridging this gap between local aspirations and national vision will be crucial. The resilience and straightforwardness of the people encountered — from determined youth in Punjab to adaptive gig workers in Haryana — suggest a populace ready for change, but on their own terms.
The challenge for leadership at all levels will be to craft policies and narratives that resonate with these local realities while fostering a sense of national unity and progress.
I conclude by thanking the sponsor that made the travel possible. Jai Hind!
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