Tamil Nadu
Karpaka Vinayakar temple, Tiruppathur, Tamil Nadu (Representative Image).
As the debate continues about the overarching ways of the Dravidian government's Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) department, there is also the concomitant issue of Dalit entry into temples, particularly in rural Tamil Nadu.
Away from the shrill rhetoric of Dravidian megaphones, in many rural areas of Tamil Nadu, Dalits still face discrimination and exclusion from small temples especially in village hinterlands. As Dalits continue to get the short end of the stick, promises and claims made by Dravidian parties, which have been ruling the state for close to 60 years look dubious and bogus.
A closer look at the situation in many villages in Northern and Western Tamil Nadu reveals a complex interplay of caste, community, and politics. While larger temples, often in urban areas, have seen progress in allowing Dalit access, small village temples — where local customs and caste dynamics are more rigid — remain largely exclusionary.
Small temples, often seen as microcosms of society, are battlegrounds for caste-based skirmishes. Many of these temples are not only places of worship but also community centres where social hierarchies are reinforced. Rituals, festivals, and community gatherings at these temples often exclude Dalit participation, perpetuating a cycle of marginalisation.
The Tamil Nadu Temple Entry Authorisation Act of 1947 allows all Hindu castes and classes to enter Hindu temples and worship. But even a cursory Google search will get you details of the flashpoints in small temples — many of them falling under the ambit of the HR & CE department — in remote villages and towns across the State.
Dubious Dravidian Claim
To be honest, this is not something unique to Tamil Nadu. Such unfortunate and unacceptable discrimination happens across the country in every state. But it is only in Tamil Nadu that the entrenched social and political powers have been crying themselves remarkably hoarse that they stand for steadfast social equity. So, if the reality is something else, then those making bold claims and the system that they stand for should be scrutinised.
Recently, in a small village in the Kanyakumari district, a Dalit family attempted to enter a temple during a local festival but was met with violent opposition from upper-caste residents. Despite police intervention and media coverage, the family faced social ostracism and threats.
Another example comes from a village near Madurai, where a Dalit man, who holds a post in the village panchayat, attempted to assert his right to enter the local temple. But it resulted in severe backlash, including vandalism of his home and public shaming. These instances underscore the dangers faced by individuals who challenge entrenched caste norms, often leaving them with little recourse for justice.
Elsewhere, at Thandarampet in Tiruvannamalai district, Dalits were allowed entry into the local Muthumariamman temple after much fighting and protests last year. But this year, the local 'caste Hindus' have got their own temple in a different location and moved there. This is the stark reality. The reluctance of some temple authorities to amend traditional practices highlights the deep-seated resistance to change within communities.
In response to these grave challenges, organisations and activists have sought to raise awareness about the plight of Dalits in accessing temples. But the activists confess, albeit privately, that the Dravidian ideology has no real inclination to transform into reality its political promises.
The Dangerous Dravidian Agenda
She spoke to us on the condition of anonymity as the system in Tamil Nadu does not take any kind of exposure to Dravidian-Dalit fissures kindly. "Social activists like us cannot afford to antagonise the Dravidian forces as they call the shots in the State and set the narrative," she says tersely.
The news reports are about Dalits being denied entry into temples by 'caste Hindus.' Only in recent times, due to protests and pressure from many quarters, that news outlets reluctantly started to identify which specific caste group is behind such discrimination.
Otherwise, 'upper caste' is an anodyne term, often wrongly assumed to refer exclusively to the Brahmin community. In reality, this small 3 per cent community neither manages many temples nor holds the influence to rally an entire village or town to do its bidding. However, the Dravidian sections' eagerness to maintain the false narrative is not difficult to guess as it is fundamentally predicated on an open anti-Brahmin plank. It is a bigotry that has always worked for it politically.
Activists say that to address the issue of Dalit temple entry, a multi-pronged approach is needed: Firstly, the government must ensure strict enforcement of laws prohibiting caste-based discrimination. Secondly, creating awareness about the importance of equality and social justice can help change societal attitudes. Thirdly, empowering Dalit communities through education and economic opportunities can strengthen their position and enable them to challenge discriminatory practices.
Anuradha says that in her experience the temples in Vanniyars, Gounders and Thevars-dominated areas get caught in such controversies. However, the political system which sees these communities as vote banks is loath to call them out openly.
In many places when there is opposition to Dalits entering the temple and there is a caste flashpoint in the area, the authorities mostly close the temple. "The issue is allowed to cool down, without actually being addressed," Anuradha says, adding, "People move on to other things. But the underlying problem is unsolved and rears its head much later."
No Real Political Will
The implicit suggestion here is that there is no real eagerness or urge to settle the matter once and for all, which is not all that difficult given that there are specific laws to ensure it. Instead, the political system ensures that the issue is alive and can be used as a bargaining chip to placate those clamouring to move the temples out of HR & CE control and into private management.
"There seems to be a larger conspiracy at play," says K R Rajesh, a research scholar in subaltern issues. "There is a lot of political harvest to be made by the Dravidian forces if the issue is allowed to fester," he says. "If there is decisive political will, things can surely get better. Enforcement of laws has been inconsistent, leading to a gap between political rhetoric and reality. Further, local power dynamics often stymie efforts for reforms, as local leaders look reluctant to challenge traditional caste structures for fear of losing support from dominant caste groups."
The larger point is that a law-and-order issue is allowed to transmogrify into a serious social matter that paints the entire religion in unfavourable and unflattering colours. The question of Dalit entry into small temples in Tamil Nadu remains a poignant illustration of the deliberate gaps in Dravidian politics.