Politics
Sudesh Verma
Dec 19, 2014, 06:15 PM | Updated Feb 10, 2016, 05:19 PM IST
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The votaries of divisive politics in the BJP must be reined in. Otherwise, the government runs the risk of alienating the progressive young voter, who brought the party to power.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s assertion at the BJP Parliamentary Party meeting on 16 December that he would not tolerate nonsense and that he would not allow anyone to “derail the governance agenda” should come as a warning to self-styled leaders who might have thought that they could nudge him with their own agendas―Hindutva or otherwise.
“Our party agenda is development and good governance, and we should not dither in it. We will not allow dilution or deviation from our commitment,” Modi stressed at the meeting.
Votaries of ‘Hindutva’ and the saffron-clad sadhus who transformed themselves from giving spiritual discourses to political leadership appear to be frustrated. They are unable to play the dual role of being a sadhu (a votary of Hindutva) and a politician (delivering governance). The second role is aligned with Modi’s scheme of things whereas the first has no place in the working of a secular government. The reason is simple―all BJP MPs won on the plank of good governance and Modi’s leadership.
Within six months of being in the government, some members of the BJP and some outfits of the Sangh Parivar are trying to push their own agendas as if they are trying to re-interpret the mandate. They may appear to be acting in tandem, but their actions could be mere coincidences and a result of their failure to appreciate the new politics Modi has brought in. Also, it looks as if they are frustrated by their failure to assert themselves and get crumbs of power.
First it was Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti who forgot that she was a minister and forgot the decorum of civilised communication. Her statement at a public rally in Delhi led to disruptions in Parliament and forced an unqualified apology from her and an appeal by the Prime Minister to end the impasse. But alas, the Backward Caste leader from Fatehpur, Uttar Pradesh, has become an instant celebrity despite the apology.
Four-term Lok Sabha member Sakshi Maharaj―another saffron-clad leader―is known for reasons other than spiritual matters. His Backward Lodh Caste holds him in good stead. He thrives through controversies. Recently (September 2014) he was in the news for stating that madrasas were offering cash rewards to Muslim youths to marry Hindu girls as a part of ‘love jihad’. He had levelled these madrassas as “a hub of terror”.
On 11 December, Sakshi Maharaj was again caught on the wrong foot when he described Mahatma Gandhi’s killer Nathuram Godse as a “patriot”. This caused expected outrage, forcing him to apologise and both the BJP and the government distanced themselves from the remark. This endless business of apologies has become so ludicrous that Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan had to ask if she should allot five minutes every day to the Treasury Benches to apologise for their controversial remarks.
And to top this all has been the news about conversions in Agra. While there is nothing wrong in conversion if this was done in a legal way, there was everything wrong if it was done secretly and without informing the law-enforcing machinery. BJP MP Yogi Adityanath, who is known for raking up one controversy after the other, did not mince words when he announced his plan to bless a conversion programme in Aligarh on Christmas Day. He also announced a plan to have such programmes across the country.
It is not important if the RSS or its affiliates are involved in conversion or ‘ghar vapasi’ drive, if all such programmes are carried out following the due process of law. But it is significant if the same has been done illegally and supported by elected representatives. It is all the more glaring if BJP MPs or ministers are publicly espousing such an agenda which falls outside the sphere of politics.
This goes against the tenets of parliamentary democracy. Not merely because Modi wants them to focus on good governance, but also because elected representatives should talk of wider policy issues. They should rather mull over the direction the country needs to proceed in. Modi’s whip at the Parliamentary Party meet should be seen in this context. This was not the agenda for which he had sought votes of the electorate. Most of the youth did not vote on caste or religious divide; they endorsed Modi’s governance agenda.
The next issue is whether Modi will be able to stop them. What recourse does he have? And why will these people listen to him?
One major link is that of the RSS which is keen to see the Modi government deliver results. This will be in tune with the Sangh’s nationalistic ideology; it will help the organisation expand its social base and the BJP its political base. One bad step, and the government runs the risk of alienating the progressive young voter. Once this government starts losing support, it would be very difficult to arrest the decline. Modi has managed till now to keep the expectations high without any negativity.
Such a large mandate for the BJP would not have been possible without Narendra Modi and without the unstinted support of the youth who came from all quarters, expecting to give a push to their dream of a new India. The voting pattern was not communal. They forgot all divisions and voted for good governance and development. After giving their mandate, they are watching the goings-on silently. A pronounced anti-Muslim tone in actions of BJP leaders would not augur well for their continuous support. Modi knows this. He may be religious at a personal level, but he does not allow his policies to be affected by his religious affiliation.
The RSS should understand this and rein in those who claim to be advocates of Hindutva. These controversial parliamentarians should be aware that the silence of the vast majority of voters should not be taken as an act of endorsement. Even the massive mandate in Uttar Pradesh where the BJP and its allies won 74 of the 80 Lok Sabha seats was a vote for developmental aspirations rather than a vote for Hindutva.
When Modi had become chief minister of Gujarat, he had faced similar situations since votaries of hardline Hindutva like Pravin Togadia wanted the government to toe a particular line. Modi transformed the support to deliver good governance. While his critics attacked him on Hindutva, he single-handedly and unifocally followed the agenda of good governance. Development definitely becomes a campaign plank in state elections. Many Muslim leaders in Gujarat had testified that they felt that Modi had helped rein in the hardliners in the Sangh Parivar.
As head of the Union Government too, Modi has adopted the policy of ignoring the fringe players who at best could be described as aberrations. This explains why he kept silent despite provocations; a Prime Minister is not supposed to react to every such irritant. He has drawn a much bigger line through projection of a strong India. However, such irritants undermine the agenda at least theoretically because of 24-hour television debates.
This is the second time he has chided BJP MPs. First was when he asked BJP parliamentarians to focus on constructive work rather than speak as if they were addressing the nation on all issues. Now he has asked them not to cross the lakshmanrekha. There may still be some in his party who would like to project this as a statement in the context of embarrassment these cause to the government rather than an ideological line. They would not believe that this may derail the governance agenda and that good governance could become ideological as well.
Votaries of divisive politics in the Sangh Parivar would do well to remember what Modi said on 15 August. He appealed for a moratorium of 10 years on all forms of violence. He had described casteism and communalism as obstacles to progress. “I appeal that for the sake of country’s progress, there should be a 10-year moratorium on violence, at least for once, so that we are free from these ills. We should have peace, unity and harmony. Please believe my word, if we give up the path of violence and adopt the path of brotherhood, we will make progress,” he said.
Spare the country of the hate agenda and let Modi perform.
Sudesh Verma is a senior journalist and president of Debating India Foundation, a Delhi based think tank. He has authored Narendra Modi: The Game Changer, a bestseller on the life and career of the Indian Prime Minister.