Journey Through Jharkhand, Dispatch 5: Pakur Is Caught In A Time Warp, Struggling With Even Basic Amenities

Littipara Village, Pakur District

Kalidas Murmu and his friends are car mechanics in Littipara village in Pakur, a district that borders Murshidabad in West Bengal, with Bangladesh just beyond.

As in previous accounts, I was dismayed to learn that even the most basic facilities are not available here. The roads in the villages are poor, and residents receive only six to eight hours of power supply each day.

Water remains the most pressing issue in the area. There is no reliable drinking water supply, and crops depend solely on rain. Despite the Ganga being only 30 kilometres (km) away, villagers struggle with water scarcity. 

Kalidas shared that the women of the village often trek long distances to access water, and even the borewells are insufficient. Due to the lack of clean water, diseases like diarrhoea are rampant.

The situation is so dire that villagers often bathe just once a week, after a long trek to a distant rivulet.

The hospital in Littipara is grossly inadequate, offering only basic treatment for minor ailments. For serious medical issues, villagers must travel to Dumka or Pakur. Even the prescribed medicines are unavailable.

The entire district seems stuck in the 1980s, with gut-wrenching poverty, making Pakur one of the poorest districts in Jharkhand, as seen in earlier reports.

This area falls under the Rajmahal Lok Sabha constituency. Vijay Kumar Hansdak, the three-time Member of Parliament (MP), has ridden against the "Modi waves," successfully retaining his seat.

In the 2019 assembly election, Dinesh William Marandi of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) defeated Daniel Kisku of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The Sarna religion issue is prominent here, with Christians supporting tribals in their effort to classify Sarnaism as a separate faith from Hinduism, for obvious reasons. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is active in this region, working against such separatist efforts.

Agriculture is severely hampered by the water crisis. Villagers are only able to grow a single crop during the rainy season. The lack of irrigation and development forces many to migrate to other parts of India for labour jobs. Just imagine the apathy of political leaders and shoddiness of the development here!

There is no proper education system in place either. Kalidas shared that children are not learning anything in school due to chronic absenteeism among teachers. While missionary schools operate effectively, they are not without controversy. A newly built government school has remained non-functional due to a lack of teachers. Furthermore, missionary schools charge a fee of Rs 200 for Christian students and Rs 600 for others, which forces poor families to convert to Christianity. (Is this legal?!)

Kalidas remarked that Bangladeshi immigrants seem to have taken over the region, claiming that the government listens more to ghuspaithis (infiltrators) than to vanvasis (forest dwellers). He expressed frustration with the district’s underdevelopment, noting that the local tribal community prefers to stay isolated, speaking only Santhali and not Hindi.

I reminded Kalidas and his friends that India’s President, Droupadi Murmu, hails from the Murmu community. But Kalidas responded with a sense of resignation, saying that the President was too far removed to address their daily struggles. I felt a pang of sadness.

Kalidas' boss, Laxman Mandal, walks from across the road and scolds him for wasting his time talking to strangers. I woo Laxman into a conversation.

Laxman owns eight cars. I ask him who in this woe begotten place hires cars. He explained that these vehicles are used primarily for emergencies, such as when villagers need to be transported to Pakur for medical treatment.

Laxman begins by describing a recent happening, when somebody in the neighbouring hamlet had a high fever. The villagers carried the boy for 8 km, and Laxman's car picked them up and took them to Pakur.

Laxman also voiced his criticism of Hemant Soren, claiming that the Chief Minister has acquired vast amounts of tribal land across the state. "There is not a district in Jharkhand in which Hemant Soren does not own land. Whose lands are those? They are also adivasi lands," he says.

He lamented the lack of development in Littipara, where the JMM has dominated politics for decades. First it was Simon Marandi for 20 years as a member of the legislative assembly (MLA), then his wife was the MLA, and then followed by their son now.

The people here vote for teer-dhanush (JMM's symbol) and look at nothing else. He claimed that the JMM stirs up rumours and panic, which the poor tribal population quickly absorbs. For example, there is a popular rumour that the BJP jailed Hemant Soren simply because he is a tribal.

Laxman argued that politicians deliberately block development in the region for political gain. The same tactics used by the Congress party during India’s socialist era. Land ownership and reform emerge as central issues hampering development.

Laxman says, "If there is land availability, there will be more factories here. Tribal women need not go to Delhi and Mumbai to become shabbily treated house-helps. Youngsters need not go to Goa and Mumbai to be day labourers. They want to keep the area backward and under their control."

I told him this is a very old game and that other parts of India too have struggled with this for decades.

Laxman recalled a proposal to build a dam 20 years ago, which would have solved many of the area’s water problems and spurred tourism and job creation. But the project was stalled due to land issues. He reminded me about the stampede that happened recently when local police vacancies were announced. 

Former chief minister Raghubar Das, recognising that land reforms are the key to development, earnestly attempted to reform tribal land laws. Aided by corrupt human-rights non-governmental organisations (NGOs), he faced stiff opposition from the tribals, and the laws were eventually withdrawn.

He concluded by highlighting how the JMM's continued dominance is largely due to the powerful symbol of “teer-dhanush,” which resonates deeply with the local tribal population. Despite Babulal Marandi’s popularity and efforts, it appears that the BJP will once again face an uphill battle against the JMM’s entrenched political influence.

Laxman spoke with flair. It was an enlightening conversation that summarised all the problems that are being faced in this part of India.

Summing up the situation, what Congress was to socialist India, the JMM is to Jharkhand today: a blend of elitism, nepotism, and corruption, designed to keep the local population fearful and impoverished.

With their focus on minority appeasement and excessively rights-based rhetoric, it is no surprise the JMM is aligned with the Congress. Add the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and you get the unholy trinity of the Indian National Developmental Inclusive (INDI) Alliance.

The situation in Pakur district encapsulates the complex interplay of historical neglect, political manoeuvring, and socio-economic challenges. As the rest of India marches forward, this corner of Jharkhand serves as a stark reminder of the uneven pace of progress and the urgent need for targeted interventions to uplift its marginalised communities.

Earlier dispatches in this 'Journey Through Jharkhand' series:

1: A Primer On History, Politics, And People

2: Clear Split In Voting Preferences Between Tribals And OBCs In Southwest Jharkhand

3: Urban Jharkhand Yearns For Progress

4: How Life Goes On In The Santhal Parganas