Ground Report From Bihar's Khagaria, Where JD(U) And LJP Cadres Are 'Permanent Enemies'

Khagaria is one of the most unheard of names when the topic is Bihar politics.  Primarily because in its 77 years of existence as a Lok Sabha constituency, the seat has not yielded any leader who provokes emotions or reactions for people outside Khagaria.

However, in 2024, the seat is well placed for occupying a prominent space in state as well as national narrative. Analysts are following the contest in Khagaria to see whether the Left ideology in Bihar can be resuscitated by a senior comrade or a young gun from Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJP(RV)) will have his say instead.

Remarkably, Left has again ignored its oft-spoken but rarely observed rule of rising above identity politics.

Khagaria is also a testing ground for Chirag Paswan. Paswan has ignored established political wisdom in the candidate selection for Khagaria.

Khagaria is stuck

Nearly two decades ago, going to Khagaria was an arduous task. Apart from kidnapping gangs present en route, Left wing terror in the district and its neighbouring Begusarai hindered people from going there. Poor state of roads complicated it further.

Things have changed after Nitish Kumar took charge of Bihar in 2005 and Narendra Modi sat in the prime ministerial position in 2014. Once road construction caught momentum, it was only a matter of time before Khagaria also started to fulfil Nitish’s promise of travelling to Patna within five hours from anywhere in Bihar.

“Earlier it used to take 12 hours to reach Patna. Half baked roads, big ditches, dirt tracks were all along the route. Now, we can travel on our personal vehicle within 3 hours. At night, it's easier” said Ajit Yadav, a villager from Rampur Kothia.

The economic impact of the connectivity was exponential, though it remains largely unobserved on statistical scale due to lack of data gathering. Inter city and intra city road connectivity projects produced huge demand for labour, which became a second engine for farm labourers who often found themselves jobless in off seasons.

Apart from it, Khagaria started witnessing better service sector infrastructure like schools, hospitals and hotels among others. Standard of living improved, and so did other choices.

Then Khagaria hit a plateau and continues on the same level. Even today, agriculture is the primary driver of Khagaria’s economy. 

Like Purnia, maize production has become a preferred choice of crop for farmers. It is the only crop which produces economic value high enough to sustain a family of four to eight people (average family size is still high in Khagaria). With export incentive schemes in place, foreign citizens are reaping the benefits of Khagaria farmers’ hard work.

But Khagaria farmers are not. Control of whether the produce will go to export markets lies in the hands of those who buy it from farmers - mostly local arhatiyas. Farmers do not have enough space for storing large maize produce. They try their best but rain plays spoilsport. Ultimately buyers come and take away these crops at cheap prices.

For these buyers, there is no shortage of storage space. Private storage spaces and even a food park have sprung up in Khagaria.

For labourers working in these places, the incentive goes as high as Rs 25,000 during the season. That is why they even ignore the calls of their Haryana and Punjab masters.

“If I am getting Rs 25,000 here, why would I go to dur desh (another state) for Rs 20,000, leaving my family here” said a labourer working in Kasimpur village.

The joy is short lived though. The savings accrued from peak season help them in flourishing for two months, after which their lives are back to square one, earning Rs 200-Rs 300 per day. Ultimately, they have to go to other states for earning.

Loss of opportunity is hurting youngsters more. Many have started to rely on hemp for their relaxation. In the afternoon, they buy it for around Rs 250, spend six to eight hours with their friends snorting it and then go to sleep - often going without food for weeks.

Locals now identify them with pale yellow faces and lean bodies, often on the verge of breakdown. Few incidents of looting passerby for Rs 500, presumably for drugs have also been observed.

Khagaria’s urban centres are worse than rural ones in many districts. Its station road and areas surrounding it are dense, polluted and offer substandard work. It is easy to see people lined up at rakes to act as coolies for goods carrier trains.

Some chimneys did offer a bit of respite but for Khagaria people these jobs require different sets of skills. Because of the relatively low social status of working at these chimneys, they do not even bother to learn at the job. “Their respect goes down when they work in a chimney, as if they had any,” taunted Ranjit Kushwaha, a wise old man in Badi Kothia village.

There are exceptions though, one of them being Shaharbani, the birthplace of Ram Vilas Paswan, father of LJP(RV) chief Chirag. The village is well developed, has excellent road connectivity, green spaces and thriving farmlands.

“It was not always like this. When Ram Vilas Paswan’s father died and leaders started to come into the village, roads were constructed at a rapid pace.” said Ganesh Yadav, a frequent visitor in Shaharbani for the last three-decades.

Politics of Khagaria

Caste equations are predominant in local politics.

The Yadav community represents a significant portion of the electorate, with around 3.5 lakh voters. Following closely are the Kurmi and Kushwaha castes, which together account for approximately 2.5 lakh voters. The Muslim community also has a substantial presence with about 1.5 lakh voters, a figure that matches the number of voters from the upper castes as well as Nishad community.

Dalits, including people from Paswan’s community are around 1.5-2 lakh in numbers.

To win their support, 12 candidates are in fray in Khagaria. However, the contest is largely believed to be one-on-one between National Democratic Alliance (NDA) candidate Rajesh Verma and Indian National Developmental Inclusive (INDI) Alliance candidate Sanjay Kumar Kushwaha. Kushwaha is a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)).

The established political narratives around caste in Bihar politics tells us that with 5 lakh total votes, Muslims and Yadavs (M-Y factor) are in a decisive position in the constituency. Both these communities are also known for voting in large numbers and that too in favour of INDI Alliance partners.

Tejaswi Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has left no stone unturned in galvanising Yadav votes in Kushwaha’s favour. 

For Muslims, Mehboob Ali Kesar, the incumbent member of Parliament (MP) is using his influence. In fact, his schedule is busier than even Kushwaha's. 

Kesar was earlier in the LJP. However, he was not given a ticket by Chirag Paswan, primarily for two reasons. For one, Kesar is one of the MPs who sided with Chirag’s uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras in the now infamous uncle-nephew feud. 

Secondly, in his two stints as MP, Kesar was seen as not having done anything commendable on the ground. His house is in Simri Bakhtiyarpur assembly segment of Khagaria constituency. Apparently, it falls in Saharsa district. One of the routes from Khagaria to Simri Bakhtiyarpur still reminds one of 'jungle raj'.

For a major section of one 36 km route between Khagaria Railway Station and Simri Bakhtiyarpur, there is no road. To check the status, Swarajya decided to take the arduous journey. Passing through the farms, we sometimes had to jump onto rail bridges with a walkway, located within 20 meters of the railway track.

As we inch closer to the segment, one can see attempts to construct roads, but only attempts so far.

Kaiser traditionally belongs to a rich family and even today is reported to own big bungalows, vast swathes of land and multiple ponds for fisheries.

He also maintains a clean image and helps everyone coming to him. The problem is Kaiser has remained mostly reactive, not proactive during his stint as MP. “When we go to his house, he even frees us from any legal trouble within minutes. But he won’t show up even to receive thanks”, said Pankaj, a labourer sitting one kilometre away from his house.

This absenteeism and lack of developmental work compared to other constituencies in the state have cost Kesar dearly. However, he remains hugely popular among Muslim voters who now see him as a victim of political intrigue. Kesar is spending all his energy in transferring those votes to Kushwaha.

The other probable voting blocs for Kushwaha are Nishad and Kurmi-Kushwaha votes. RJD’s last minute alliance with Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) of Mukesh Sahani was an attempt to get Nishads (around 1.5 lakh in numbers) on the INDI Alliance side. In the 2019 election, Mukesh Sahani had contested from the seat and pulled substantive Nishad votes. Repeat of 2019 would be just in time booster dose for CPI(M) candidate. 

Kushwaha is also betting on his own community, which include people from Kurmi-Koeri groups and CPI(M) cadre, which are believed to be loyal towards the party's affiliations.

On his part, Kushwaha himself is a son of a former MLA. The man has helped people as much as he could. He is socially present from the time when people didn’t expect him to contest. “If you go to him and ask for help, he will do it, without asking for your affiliations. CPI(M) people are known for it here,” said Birbal Kumar, a government job aspirant.

Overall he is known for his honesty and for a grounded image, which frankly is a problem in politics. Kushwaha lacks personal as well as party funds. “If you visit their (NDA) office, you will find tea, cold drinks and snacks, while here with us, you may find it hard to get water,” said Gautam, a committed CPI(M) worker at one of the campaign offices in Alauli assembly segment.

“He did not even have funds to print his campaign posters. It is our Kaiser Ali on whose fund the campaign is running” said a campaign strategist on the condition of anonymity at the house of the incumbent MP.

Another problem with Kushwaha is his quirkiness. While Swarajya was at RJD headquarter in Khagaria, its chief Manohar Yadav’s phone started to buzz. The voice from the other side sent a sign of worry on Yadav’s face. Later, it turned out that Kushwaha had promised to remove Article 370 from Kashmir if voted to power, an issue of extremely less relevance for locals. Kushwaha’s rationale for it is that abrogation of Article 370 was an anti-Muslim decision.

“He is too simple and speaks whatever his heart says, that is why he commits such blunder,” said an RJD worker sitting there.

It provided ammunition to NDA candidate Rajesh Verma who took the opportunity to attack Kushwaha on Muslim appeasement, something which resonates with people. A young voter Amarjeet Yadav said that he will go against his family’s diktat and vote for Narendra Modi. When asked why, Amarjeet said, “I support Tejaswi but he joins hands with Islamist. I am Hindu and support Ram Mandir and Narendra Modi”.

He quickly left the conversation as his friend Aizaz was calling him for eating pani puri.

For NDA Candidate Rajesh Verma, the trajectory is simple - pass the message that his thought process is in line with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's.

Unlike Kushwaha, Verma is an 'outsider' from nearby Bhagalpur and has extremely limited political experience. By education he is an engineer while by training he is a businessman who mainly trades in gold. Verma also owns real estate firms. In the past, Verma has faced the allegation of running ‘Gunda Banks’, resulting in an income tax department raid at his residence in 2022.

Verma’s first major interaction with politics took place at municipal corporation level. In 2017, he became deputy mayor of Bhagalpur municipal corporation. He leveraged it to increase his participation in mainstream electoral politics. When Chirag Paswan was looking for a viable candidate in 2020 assembly elections, Verma raised his hand and even returned with more than 20,000 votes, an unthinkable achievement for many.

Unlike Mehboob Ali Kaiser, Verma stood by Chirag’s side during uncle-nephew rift, rewards for which he is ripping in 2024 elections. 

Verma’s body language, demeanour, tone, tenor and larger messaging reflects the impact of Chirag Paswan on him. He is often compared with Paswan and is touted as torchbearer of Chirag’s emphasis on harnessing youth power in Bihar. Verma has apparently been working 18 hours per day, spending as much time as possible with the people.

Initially, people were hesitant with Verma being an outsider, but he has done well in winning the trust of people. Photos of Prime Minister Modi and LJP(RV) chief Chirag Paswan on his posters and campaign vans have also worked as a trust factor.

“So what if he is from outside. Tell me who is not from outside? Was Kaiser not from outside (Saharsa)? That Kushwaha is lost in his own world. More than 10 times we Khagaria people have chosen outsiders to represent us. What is wrong with Rajesh Verma? After all, he is with Modi. He will work for us” said Jitender Jha, a hotel staff member near Khagaria Railway station.

In his campaign speeches and audio messages, Verma has been asking for support on both local as well as larger issues. PCR vans announcing benefits like electricity, housing, medical facility, roads, reduced terrorism, increasing India’s heft on international forums increasingly do the rounds in Khagaria. 

Along with it, Verma regularly reminds people that he won’t go back to Bhagalpur after winning this seat, something Khagaria voters have witnessed with Mehboob Ali Kaiser. Lately, his interviews with local and national media have been going rounds in the constituency. 

On the other hand, Kushwaha’s campaign has been relatively low profile, something which CPI(M) cadre seemed to be apprehensive about.

The cadre difference

A big factor in this election is going to be coordination with cadres. On that scale, INDI Alliance is doing pretty well. Even when local RJD workers are not happy with CPI(M) candidate, they are canvassing for him in full swing. "Laluji bole hain toh karna hi hai" said a RJD worker in Hasanpur.

On the other hand, LJP(RV) cadre are finding it tough to garner support from Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)). Sour relationship between JD(U) and LJP cadres emanate from 2020 Bihar assembly elections when Chirag Paswan's decision to contest on JD(U) seats turned Nitish Kumar's party into a second string regional outfit.

Despite being in same alliance, an element of distrust is there. For the first two phases, the differences did show up.

Even in the third phase, both party cadres generally do separate canvassing, until a senior leader from state or national unit comes along.

For the time being, the NDA cadre equations in Khagaria seem to be challenging the article of faith there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics.

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on themes and topics that are often overlooked or looked down. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as ₹2999. Click here for more details.