Ground Report From Gaya — Where Jitan Ram Manjhi Needs An NDA And Modi Boost

Gaya. The name hits different notes for different people. Hindu folk tales describe the place as the centre of origin of the revered Chhath Puja. For Buddhists, it is the place where Gautama Buddha attained enlightenment.

For political observers, Gaya is the nucleus of the Magadh region in Bihar. It is one of six reserved seats in Bihar.

Tourism is the main engine of Gaya’s economy. Bodh Gaya, especially its Mahabodhi Temple, is the biggest crowd puller in the district. Varied estimates suggest that more than 5 lakh foreign tourists visit the place every year, a majority from Thailand.

Chinese, Japanese, Nepali, and Westerners also flock to the temple in large numbers. The temple complex houses more than 10,000 air-conditioned rooms and about 40,000 non-air conditioned rooms.

Apart from Bodh Gaya, the Vishnupad Temple, Sita Kund, and Pitri Teerth are other big attractions. Tourists at Bodh Gaya going ahead to visit other places in the district and vice versa is also commonly observed.

The high tourist footfall in Gaya generates demand for both world-class facilities and skilled and unskilled jobs.

Painting, daily-wage and fixed work in cafes, hotels and restaurants, and jobs in sanitation and hospitals are some of the key jobs available for locals.

Remarkably, a large number of people employed in tourist spots are not there for daily income. They are on the lookout for contacting a wealthy foreign tourist and acting as their liaison in Gaya for the duration of their stay.

"From the time foreigners land at the airport to the time they leave India, they (locals) take care of everything. With their money, a lot of people have built two- to three-storey houses in Gaya," said Sumit Kumar, a resident of Miya Bigha village in the vicinity of Bodh Gaya.

For those not employed in the hot spots, construction is the second best option. Due to investments from trusts, Gaya is witnessing an exponential rise in new buildings, restaurants, guest houses and hotels.

Wages in construction are, however, lower than in other areas of Bihar. The daily wage in Gaya is around Rs 400, much less than in cities like Muzaffarpur and Patna.

And this is in Gaya town. The wages in rural parts of Gaya are even lower. "Going to cities for work incur travelling expenses of Rs 100 and food expenditure of Rs 50, what do I get? Only Rs 250 per day," said Satender Manjhi, a daily-wage labourer in Gehlor, Dashrath Manjhi's village.

Satender Manjhi looks for an under-construction house in a 3-4-kilometre (km) range for work or engages in farming, which is another form of disguised unemployment, masking the problem rather than solving it.

In the hunt for stable jobs, migration to different states is a common phenomenon. Unskilled workers go wherever they can get work, while the skilled ones head to tourist spots, even as far away as Ladakh.

When asked, locals told Swarajya that several kilometres of barren land is present in Gaya, but the government is not serious about establishing an industry. The problem of connectivity though is somewhat alleviated by the coming of the Eastern Dedicated Freight Corridor in the district.

Cleanliness and public hygiene are an issue. While the main roads in Gaya are cleaned thrice a day, nearby villages, where guest houses and hotels are built, are filled with drainage water. A lack of cleanliness puts a dampener on the promotion of these places.

Candidates In Gaya Lok Sabha Constituencies

In 2024, Gaya will witness a contest between Jitan Ram Manjhi of Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM) and Kumar Sarvjeet of Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). HAM is part of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in Bihar.

Manjhi is a well-known face in the constituency. He will be replacing incumbent Vijay Manjhi as the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) candidate. During his initial days in politics, Manjhi would spend evenings interacting with people in Gaya and is hence well recognised by the average voter. Besides, he was the state chief minister for a period in 2014-15.

However, in the last decade, Manjhi has lost considerable clout in the constituency. He is accused of siding with the ‘bad elements’ of society and ignoring average folks’ needs. He is also perceived as someone who even while himself overcoming the circumstances of his birth, is not very willing in helping others to do so.

In Rampur village of Barachatti assembly constituency, locals say they are even struggling for basic amenities like roads, schools and hospitals. There is a primary health centre which rarely functions. The school built in 2006 is largely used as a resting place for animals.

The village lacks basic road connectivity. People have built ‘pseudo’ private roads outside their homes and tell others not to cross it. Animal-vehicle tussles are common.

"A road project was passed in 2005, but has not seen the light of day. We have been running from pillar to post, filing multiple applications, talking to leaders, officers, but they say that funds are not there," Abhinash Kumar, a polytechnic student of Rampur village, tells Swarajya.

They voted for Geeta Devi, a relative of Jitan Ram Manjhi, in the assembly election, expecting swifter procedures. But it only resulted in disappointments.

Swarajya spoke to people of the Manjhi community in Gaya. Many of them do not keep tabs on regular political updates. Many did not even know that Vijay Manjhi has this time been replaced by Jitan Ram Manjhi.

When asked whether they would now switch to RJD's Sarvjeet, they said no. Whoever is with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, they will vote for him. When asked why, one person said, on the condition of anonymity, "Kaam kiya hai sir, ghar dene waale ko vote nahi denge toh hamse bada gaddar koi nahi hoga (They have done the work; if we don't vote for one who has given us a home, then there is no bigger traitor than us)."

Then, there is the caste factor. "If two Manjhis were there, we would not vote for Jitan Ram Manjhi; however, since the candidate in front is Paswan, we would choose our own man," he said further.

Manjhis’ opponent, Kumar Sarvjeet, is the member of legislative assembly (MLA) from Bodh Gaya. His father, late Rajesh Kumar, was a member of Parliament (MP).

Sarvjeet holds significant influence in the region. Local accounts say that he is seen regularly in the town and is accessible. S K Pandey, a senior citizen, said that "whenever he sees elders, Sarvjeet exchanges greetings and asks their well-being, which shows his upbringing."

Sarvjeet served as the tourism minister of Bihar between August 2022 and January 2024. His reign resulted in an increased budget and a new tourism policy. The people of Bodh Gaya seemed quite happy with Sarvjeet’s performance.

Excited by the feedback received from his assembly constituency, Sarvjeet has launched his campaign in style. Hoardings, posters, advertisement vans — his campaign material and outreach are seen all around the city.

NDA fielding Jitan Ram Manjhi, who lost by 3 lakh votes in 2019, has given another boost to Sarvjeet's confidence.

But Sarvjeet also has his share of notoriety to contend with. Before the 2020 assembly election, he had contested in the 2010 election. He was said to be losing that election one week before voting.

"In the last week, he spent crores in distributing money, liquor, chicken, and mutton, resulting in the turn of tide in his favour," alleges Pradeep (name changed).

What Do People Say About Government Schemes In Gaya

The low base effect ensures that people of Gaya are largely happy with the penetration of government schemes. In largely Dalit villages like Dema, Manjouli, Mastipur and Miya Bigha among others, most families have been covered through Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Benefits are provided in the name of both men and women. 

House walls having quotes of women empowerment are becoming commonplace in Dalit homes too.

Availability of housing has generated demands for stable electricity and water connections. While electricity stays for an average of 18-20 hours per day even in remote villages, the problem with water availability persists. The water taps fixed by the government are inconsistent in releasing water.

In some places digging is not done properly while in other areas, water does not come on time, forcing people to go back to hand pumps.

Moreover, there are taps which have not been laid down at appropriate places in homes. They are in open air, generally outside homes, giving birth to problems like water logging and related diseases.

Authorities also have also neglected this problem since most of their efforts are concentrated at keeping tourist spots clean.

The sanitation problem is exacerbated by the lack of proper healthcare facilities. Most of the people have their Ayushman Cards, but facilities in hospitals are lacking.

However, these problems have not deterred the people from participating in the formal economy. Due to road connectivity, bank branches have sprung up in far-flung areas as well, giving a boost to the formalisation process. Most of the people have their key documents like Aadhar card, voter ID card, bank passbooks intact.

Digitisation has reached such an extent that even shops having average sales of Rs 100-Rs 300 have got their own QR codes.

The Caste Conflicts In Gaya

Neary 87 per cent of Gaya’s population reside in villages. The rural setup has kept old caste conflicts alive in the constituency, but with a twist.

The Scheduled Castes (SC) community accounts for 30.40 per cent of voters, which explains why this seat is reserved. In the past, charges of violence and discrimination by upper castes were commonplace.

However, in the last two decades, reports of discrimination being perpetrated by members of the Yadav community, which belongs to Other Backward Classes (OBC), have been abundant.

Members of SC community claim that they are often subjected to casteist expletives like “Chamar hoke ghar banayega re” by their Yadav counterparts. They claim that affluent Yadavs do not even want to hire them as their house-help.

The dominance of the Yadavs in the region is challenged by members of the Paswan community. “They are scared of Paswans as Paswans are more physically capable than them, sir,” a restaurant owner in Bodh Gaya told Swarajya.

When asked about the discrimination they face, Gaurav, a student from the SC community preparing for government exams said: “Yadavs are jealous of us. They were fooled by their own leader (Lalu Yadav), now when they see our leaders doing good for us, they can’t tolerate it”.

A section of the SC youth in Gaya is even gravitating towards the BHIM Army of Chandrashekhar Azad. The 'Army' now reportedly boasts of more than 5,000 foot soldiers in Gaya. The local leadership stays in touch with them and is able to organise a crowd in a short time.

What Is The Political Equation In Gaya?

Known for voting on caste blocks, the developmental agenda is beginning to make a mark in the minds of people.

People largely happy with the performance of the NDA government (in delivering houses, electricity, gas, banking) are overwhelmingly in favour of voting for BJP. Those who could not avail benefit also do not blame the government for it. They will still vote in the name of PM Modi.

When asked why, Sanjay Kumar Manjhi, a resident of Manjoli village said “Modi gives money but these thekedaars and officers commit mistakes. If not this time, I will get benefits in next term”

This sentiment, however, is not uniform. There are still those who would prioritise caste loyalties. 

On that front, the Paswans are caught between the RJD and JD(U). Kumar Sarvjeet (the RJD candidate) belongs to the Paswan community, which would translate to potentially more benefits for them if he wins.

However, their choice is made difficult by Sarvjeet contesting on a ticket of the RJD, considered to be a party of the Yadavs. Add to that Chirag Paswan aligning with the NDA. Chirag's events in Gaya on 12 April could have tilted considerable Paswan votes towards Manjhi.

Large numbers of Muslim (11 per cent) and Yadav voters (nearly 12 per cent) are expected to vote along the Muslim-Yadav (M-Y) equation of the RJD. Though, some divergence of women votes in Muslim community towards Manjhi is expected. 'Forward caste' voters (nearly 15 per cent) and Vaishyas (12 per cent) are also expected to tilt towards Jitan Ram Manjhi, due to the Modi factor.

Both candidates have begun their campaign, though Sarvjeet’s visibility is more than that of Manjhi. Manjhi has his legacy and Modi factor to rely on. On 13 April, Nitish Kumar did a rally for Manjhi while three days later, PM Modi will also do the same for him on the last day of campaign in the constituency. His presence at such a crucial moment is expected to sway the swing voters in Manjhi’s favour.

For Sarvjeet, he has to channelise his energy towards pulling those voters who could not get benefits of government schemes. Getting the majority of Paswan community on his side will also be crucial for Sarvjeet.

“They (NDA) have made their task tough by fielding Jitan Ram Manjhi, but he will get through in the name of Modi,” said Umesh Manjhi, a local.

If Manjhi wins, people expect the double engine government to end unfavourable treatment towards tourist spots in Gaya.

“Nitish Kumar wants to see Rajgir prosper at the cost of Gaya. If somehow both get equal treatment, it will lead to more development in Gaya. Expanding airport could be good beginning” said Rakesh Kumar, a restaurant owner.

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on themes and topics that are often overlooked or looked down. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as ₹2999. Click here for more details.