Narratives With Narratives And Exceptions Within Exceptions In Bihar's Kishanganj — A Ground Report

For reasons varying from communalism to Bangladeshi infiltration, Kishanganj Lok Sabha constituency remains under constant scrutiny. The seat is one of the most keenly watched constituencies in Bihar, mainly because it holds the key to the narrative around secularism in the state.

It has six assembly constituencies, two of which are in Purnia district. In 2020 assembly elections, Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) had won four of them, but later three of them ditched the party and went to Tejashwi Yadav’s Rashatriya Janata Dal (RJD). 

Currently, four seats are held by RJD, while Congress and AIMIM share one each.

Demography Of Kishanganj

Located at the border with West Bengal, the demography of Kishanganj is highly influenced by migration from Bengal.

In fact, it is one of the deciding factors in increasing the share of the Muslim community in the population database of constituency. Rough estimates suggest that Muslims comprise about 67-70 per cent of the population while the share of Hindu share is between 30-33 per cent. 

Hindus mostly live in urban areas while Muslims are mostly in rural setups.

In the rural areas of Kishanganj, Muslims’ share is about 80 per cent while Hindus are around 20 per cent. In urban areas, Hindus comprise 60 per cent of the population, and the rest is occupied by Muslims.

Local Hindus say that Muslim population is much higher than data suggests, a phenomenon prevalent in nearby Purnia too.

Both Hindus and Muslims have one feature to unite on though: their Surjapuri identity.

Surjapuris are those people who trace their ancestry to Kishanganj and have the Surjapuri language as their mother tongue. Muslim Surjapuris, who are 60-70 per cent of Kishanganj Muslims are known as ‘Desi Miya’ in colloquial language. 

Surjapuris were never conscious of their identity until they started seeing migration from other areas of Bihar (and Bengal). They started distinguishing themselves by calling these migrants 'Paschima' (based on the western direction from which they came).

Notably, the Paschima identity is also used to describe Hindu migrants, though not exclusively. Paschima Hindus are believed to have started settling in Kishanganj in the last 200 years.

Muslim migrants in Kishanganj are known as Shershabadis. Most of these people are said to have come from Malda city of West Bengal. The reasons for their departure vary according to time.

Moinuddin, a Shershahbadi, told Swarajya that his forefathers came to Kishanganj in 1952 in search of better opportunities.

Most Bengali-speaking Muslims, on the other hand, migrated here after the Bangladesh liberation war of 1971. This population included Muslims from both West Bengal and Bangladesh.

These Bangladeshi migrants are called Bhatiyas (भटिया) in colloquial languages. Though official statistics are not there till now, Bhatiyas now have their own vast villages, populations of which run into thousands. They mainly do menial jobs and keep the lower rung of the economy dependent on them.

There is a small population of Santhalis in Kishanganj too. More than 1,000 families of Santhalis, whose forefathers from Jharkhand, West Bengal and Assam found solace in Kishanganj around 150 years ago. Most of them have continued their family traditions of nature worship.

In Hasanpur village near Bengal border, a Santhali named Bipin Todo donated his land, a source of his livelihood for school.

When Swarajya asked about compensation, “didn’t get anything” came the reply. We asked how his ends meet. Lord Hanuman bhakta Todo said, “It's Bajrangbali who gives anything. My children are earning, I am towards the dusk of my life, I do not need much, just want my village children to study ”

Communal Tensions

On expected lines, Kishanganj has its fair share of Hindu-Muslim tensions.  It has witnessed phenomena like 'love jihad', land encroachment, imposition of culture, resulting in displacement of Hindus in the past.

Surbhi (name changed), a domestic worker, working near railway crossing says she was cheated in the name of love by a Muslim man posing as Hindu. After her marriage, she was asked to change her religion, which she had no option other than obliging.

Similarly, in Gariahat village, a Hindu family had to flee because Muslims living nearby forcefully entered their home and slept. They were also coerced not to follow Hinduism and non-vegetarian products were often hurled at their place of worship.

Lahra Chowk, which now boasts of more Bhatia population, also saw communal tensions on similar lines. Beef was hurled towards a Hindu site, resulting in communal tension. The man who threw it was later apprehended, but was termed as ‘mentally unstable’ by the community.

A Hindu whom Swarajya spoke with said, “if he was that mentally unstable, why does he belong to one religion and why did not he ever throw it at his own place of worship”?

Lahra Chowk is now more known for its Bhatia population, something which even Surjapuri Muslims are not happy with. The Bhatias were apparently given shelter on the condition that they won’t disturb Surjapuris. But over a period of time, their numbers started increasing and so did the modes of their earning.

Surjapuris claim that instead of making an honest living, they started making life difficult for locals. Looting, theft, contract murders allegedly became a source of livelihood for the Bhatias.

No one was spared. With time, the local population started to drift away from Lahra Chowk and the settlers got their way in. Those who did not leave were coerced towards giving up their lands.

Mohammed Ehsaan, a middle aged Surjapuri Muslim and a farmer with a relatively large land-holding said, “we ask them to not help us in our daily lives, but they keep doing chores for us without any money. We also tend to give in and donate land in their name. Once they get their land, they won’t show you their faces.”

The Bhatias are said to be the reason why the Shershahbadis have not found full acceptance, even among Muslims.

A senior and influential personality from the Surjapuri Muslim community, who wishes to be unnamed said, “normally we live peacefully with Hindus, but these Bhatias are mostly uneducated and prone to radicalisation, resulting in tensions. Once they rally up, even our boys also join them.”

In the early 2000s, there was a growing demand for Surjapuris to receive reservation benefits. However, the community expressed reluctance, preferring not to be perceived as belonging to lower social strata. Despite this, average incomes continued to decline while expenses kept mounting.

“An average Surjapuri wedding costs Rs 15-20 lakh, while our wedding is done within Rs 3 lakh. Surjapuris have to sell their lands for marriage, we just buy it and settle on it,”  said Mohammad Irshad, a Shershabadi, who refused to tell whether he is a Bhatia settler or not.

Mehingaon Panchayat, Farsadangi, Nuniya, Samda, Belwa and Govindpur villages are now majorily occupied by migrants. Hindus also stay here, but they are less than 10 per cent and generally don't face any hindrance in practising their faith. Economic deprivation and need for cooperation ensures that both communities participate in melas around each others' festivals.

Near Halim Chowk, lies the stalled Kishanganj centre of the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). A Santhal basti also lies in the vicinity.

The Santhals were displaced because the land on which they had settled was taken by the administration for the AMU campus. Now they live in a basti beyond the boundary wall.

A surprise entry in Kishanganj is that of Christian evangelicals. Though they have not succeeded in converting from the Muslim community, around 100 Santhalis have been converted. They visit church on Sunday mornings and return with gifts.

It is evidenced by the standard of living the converted Santhals enjoy. The phenomenon is catching momentum and calls for serious introspection among Hindus.

When asked for the reason, the head of one family said, “Lord Yesu (Jesus Christ) looks at everyone with the same lens and does not differentiate between two people. We confess our guilt and he forgives us. That kind of facility is not available to Hindus or Muslims.”

Candidates For Lok Sabha Elections

Congress is fielding Mohammad Jawed in the current election. Jawed is the incumbent representative and enjoys a clean image among locals. He is secretary of the All India Congress Committee. Jawed is highly educated, and is seen as suave and sophisticated, often meeting people with a neutral smile.

The problem for Jawed is he rarely seen to meet people. His face is not instantly recognisable among the masses.

Mohammed Nahid, a resident of Chakla village said, “Sir, we only vote for him because he is connected with Rahul Gandhi. We don’t like Jawed. He grew up rich and will remain rich, while we will keep getting poor. We only trust Gandhi for not trying to hurt us.”

The Janata Dal (United) or JD(U) has given its ticket to Mujahid Alam, locally known as Master Mujahid.

Some local businessmen allege that Alam has his 'cut' fixed at every shop. However, for the less economically privileged ones, Alam is someone whom they can rely on more than Jawed. Alam is socially active, meets people at regular intervals, and is seen as participating in their social events of local families.

His detractors, however, say that Alam is a master of optics and rather than solving problems, he goes to these places for hogging the limelight. 

The bigger problem for Alam is that Nitish Kumar has joined hands with Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is largely perceived among the local Muslims as antithetical to their needs. “Alam’s victory was fixed, but Nitish committed a blunder by joining hands with Modi,” said Mohammed Mohsin.

The third candidate in the fray is Akhtarul Islam. He is articulate, eloquent, and sometimes provocative. Islam represents Amour Vidhan Sabha in the Bihar assembly and has also donned the hats of RJD and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) in the past. Currently, he is serving as state president of AIMIM in Bihar. 

The problem with Islam is that he has switched sides on multiple occasions, leading to loss of trust. People of Kishanganj also fear that he has the potential to cause communal disharmony.

Even in his own constituency, Abdul Zalil Mastan, who has represented Amour six times and enjoys senior status, is vigorously creating buzz against Islam.

What Do The People Want?

AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi was not wrong when he termed Seemanchal (mainly emphasising on Kishanganj) as the most backward region in Bihar. The per capita income of Kishanganj is barely Rs 23,000. In the name of development, Kishanganj can only boast roads connecting villages to the city. (These have led to an increase in land prices, giving more purchasing power).

However, as one enters the villages, it's not tough to see roads on which it is near-impossible for bikes, e-rickshaws to go beyond 20 km/hour. Do not think about taking cars to villages.

The problems of people living in these villages is compounded by lack of basic amenities. Funds for houses under Prime Minister Awas Yojana are being allotted in installments.

In most of the villages, beyond the first installment of Rs 50,000, people claim they have received no money. Even among that 50,000, they allege that babus succeeded in taking around 10 per cent.

Anwar Alam of Jululi village said, “We tore down our own tat (house made of thin wood) in hope of homes, now we have neither pucca house nor our tat. We are forced to live in tent during rain.”

The situation is worse in case of gas connections. Most people Swarajya spoke to do not even know about the Ujjwala scheme.

The story is different in water and electricity connections. Bihar’s flagship ‘Har Ghar Nal Ka Jal’ Yojana has reached the hinterlands of Kishanganj. Similarly, most home owners are happy with the electricity wire operating their bulbs and fans.

These exceptions have their own exceptions and there are loopholes, which demand immediate plugging. Problem with electricity is that the electricity meter runs too quickly for locals.

“With three bulbs and a fan, a Rs 500 recharge evaporates quickly in a month,” said Mohammad Ameeruddin.

“For rest of the month, we do not have money to recharge, so we rely on neighborus and sleep early” he added.

Similarly, the problem with the water tap is the frequency of supply. The timing is fixed and water supply is there only for one hour. But sometimes, mostly during arid days, water is absent for days, even a week or two.

State Of Education

Despite these circumstances, almost all parents are sending their children to school. In the process, parents are deprived of the economic value children brought home.

Now their kids can’t work at the farm or help their families in household chores. In return though, they get education and mid-day meals. Anganwadis and schools operate with reasonable efficiency in the district.

The problem arises when the children pass tenth or intermediate and reach the age of 18. They are now on their own as parents can’t afford higher education, forcing them to bail out of the education system.

Those who studied well do get jobs as hotel staff or bookkeepers, but a major chunk of them return to their farms, taking up menial jobs or becoming toto (e-rickshaw) drivers in off season. 

What Kishanganj lacks is a higher education institution which could cater to local needs. For that purpose, it was decided that a new campus of the AMU will be established.

A drive was launched to push people settled there and a huge campus running in a few kilometres was set to open.

But bureaucratic hurdles suddenly halted it. Locals who were hopeful of making gains out of it put blame on the Narendra Modi government.

So, Whom Are They Voting For?

Since all three main candidates are Surjapuris, a repeat of a tough competition like 2019 is on the table. Surjapuris are pondering on JD(U)’s Alam and Congress' Jawed. The more educated ones look in favour of Mujahid Alam while others are tilting towards Jawed.

For Shershahbadis, the choice is difficult. A local ward member said that AIMIM’s Islam can sway these voters by creating fear.

As for the voters of the Hindu community, they are likely to vote for the candidate whose alliance partner is perceived as pro-Hindu. Mujahid Alam in this case. 

At the end, Rajeev, a sweet seller in Kishanganj put forward an interesting observation. “If in the middle of election, they (Muslims) find that one candidate has more chances of winning, they will all rush towards voting for him, no matter which party he belongs to.”

We wrap up our Kishanganj coverage with that observation.

This report is part of Swarajya's 50 Ground Stories Project - an attempt to throw light on themes and topics that are often overlooked or looked down. You can support this initiative by sponsoring as little as ₹2999. Click here for more details.